710 Nazis wrong about Aryan homeland; Reply from Toben on 18C

Nazis wrong about Aryan homeland; Reply from Toben on 18C

This material is at http://mailstar.net/Nazis-wrong-Aryan-homeland.doc

Newsletter published on 21 November 2014

(1) Nazis wrong about Aryan homeland
(2) Photo-gallery: Arkaim, a town of the Aryan homeland
(3) Arkaim: Aryan culture prior to migration to India/Iran & Iraq/Syria
(4) Sintashta, just east of the Urals, had chariot-burials and horse
sacrifices like Rig Veda
(5) Andronovo culture, in West Siberia, was Indo-Iranian (homeland on a
large scale)
(6) Spencer Wells, Genetist: Europeans descend from Cro-Magnons; Aryans
came in later from Steppe
(7) Hykos were multiracial - both Aryan and Canaanite/Hebrew
(8) Reply from Frederick Toben on 18C & Own Goal which helped Lobby

(1) Nazis wrong about Aryan homeland - by Peter Myers, November 21, 2014
The study of Sanskrit lead to the realization that it's in the same
language family as most European languages; ancient Iranian languages
also belong to that family. Scholars realized that this language family
had disseminated in all directions from an original homeland whose
language is called Proto Indo-European.

The Aryans were the people who spread those Indo-European languages,
south into India and Iran, west into Europe, south-west into
Iraq/Syria/Turkey, and east along the silk road into western China.

The Aryan homeland has now been discovered. It's not in a Nordic
country, as the Nazis thought, but in southern Russia just north of
Khazahstan. It straddles the Ural mountains dividing Europe from Asia,
but is more east (in Asia) than west (in Europe).

That means that the early Aryans were Asian - like the Jews. Another
Nazi myth popped!.

The Aryans were not the first white people in Europe ( see item 6 on
Genetic evidence). But they came in as conquerors, like the Norman
invaders of England, with the result that they formed a new aristocracy
and imposed their languages.

In the same way, Hungary and Turkey acquired languages from Central Asia
when they were conquered.

The reason those early Aryans were able to conquer other peoples, is
that they were the first to domesticate the horse and to develop the
chariot.

David Anthony, of the Institute for Ancient Equestrian Studies, showed
that the Eurasian Steppe was opened up about 2000 BC, becoming a bridge
between East and West:
http://mailstar.net/needham-anthony.html

(2) Photo-gallery: Arkaim, a town of the Aryan homeland

The town of Arkaim was discovered in the last years of the Soviet Union.
It's comparable to Stonehenge; but neither culture came anywhere near
Ancient Egypt in sophistication.

Have a look at the photos below. The houses are built of timber, but
there are no forests in that area now. The houses are earth-covered,
probably as insulation from the cold.

Archaeology and ethnic politics: the discovery of Arkaim, by V. A.
ShnirelmanL
http://legacy.earlham.edu/~schwael/Arkaim.pdf

Arkaim is now a UNESCO site:
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0011/001123/112397e.pdf

Arkaim Powerpoint photos:
http://culture.ru/en/atlas/object/740
If that site is down, try
https://web.archive.org/web/20130819020824/http://culture.ru/en/atlas/object/740

That powerpoint site also provides this information about Arkaim:

[...] Researchers of Arkaim found residential buildings and various
items such as pottery, metallurgical furnaces, and cattle-pens. Based on
the preserved bones of animals, researchers concluded that the livestock
consisted mainly of horses, cattle and small ruminants. It is more
difficult to make any conclusions about the farming activities of the
ancient town dwellers. Discussions and research relevant to this topic
are still being conducted. [...]

Following the discovery of Arkaim, over two dozen similar settlements
were found in that area with the help of aerospace exploration. All of
them are located relatively close to each other within about 350
kilometers apart, belong to the same era, and have similar features
compared to other discovered ancient settlements. Some of them are round
like those in Arkaim, others are oval, and still others are rectangular.
The pre-historic settlements are located approximately 60 to 70
kilometers from each other at a distance of one to two days of travel.
This is convenient and logical for trading purposes and joint economic
activities, as well as for defense and war purposes.

Every house in Arkaim had a well. Two earth pipes were laid from it to
the house: one to the furnace and the other to a small depository in the
form of a dome. The former played a role of bags: cold air from the well
created such draft that it was possible to reach the temperature in the
furnace necessary to melt metal. The latter supplied cold air to a kind
of an ancient fridge where food was kept.

Researchers of those settlements in the southern Urals introduced a term
of a country of towns, which describes this unique phenomenon. It is
unique because an extremely small number of towns have survived until
today; those are mainly mounds, individual settlement places, burial
places, but no systems of such ancient towns have been discovered
elsewhere in the world. ==

(3) Arkaim: Aryan culture prior to migration to India/Iran & Iraq/Syria

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arkaim

Arkaim

Location Bredinsky District, Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia
Region Kazakh Steppe
Type Settlement
Area 2 ha (4.9 acres)
History
Periods Bronze Age
Cultures Sintashta culture
Archaeologists Gennadii Zdanovich

Arkaim is an archaeological site situated in the Southern Urals steppe,
8.2 kilometres (5.1 mi) north-to-northwest of Amurskiy, and 2.3 km (1.4
mi) south-to-southeast of Alexandronvskiy, two villages in the
Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia, just to the north from the Kazakhstan border.

The site is generally dated to the 17th century BC. Earlier dates, up to
the 20th century BC, have been proposed. It was a settlement of the
Sintashta-Petrovka culture.

The site was discovered in 1987 by a team of Chelyabinsk scientists who
were preparing the area to be flooded in order to create a reservoir,
and examined in rescue excavations led by Gennadii Zdanovich. At first
their findings were ignored by Soviet authorities, who planned to flood
the site as they had flooded Sarkel earlier, but the attention attracted
by news of the discovery forced the Soviet government to revoke its
plans for flooding the area. It was designated a cultural reservation in
1991, and in May 2005 the site was visited by President Vladimir Putin.

Although the settlement was burned and abandoned, much detail is
preserved. Arkaim is similar in form but much better preserved than
neighbouring Sintashta, where the earliest chariot was unearthed. The
site was protected by two circular walls. There was a central square,
surrounded by two circles of dwellings separated by a street. The
settlement covered ca. 20,000 m2 (220,000 sq ft). The diameter of the
enclosing wall was 160 m (520 ft). It was built from earth packed into
timber frames, and reinforced with unburned clay brick, with a thickness
of 4-5 m (13-16 ft). and a height of 5.5 m (18 ft). The settlement was
surrounded with a 2 m (6 ft 7 in)-deep moat.

There are four entrances into the settlement through the outer and inner
wall with the main entrance to the west. The dwellings were between
110-180 m2 (1,200-1,900 sq ft) in area. The outer ring of dwellings
number 39 or 40, with entrances to a circular street in the middle of
the settlement. The inner ring of dwellings number 27, arranged along
the inner wall, with doors to the central square of 25 by 27 m (82 by 89
ft). The central street was drained by a covered channel. Zdanovich
estimates that approximately 1,500 to 2,500 people could have lived in
the settlement.

Surrounding Arkaim's walls, were arable fields, 130-140 m by 45 m
(430-460 ft by 150 ft), irrigated by a system of canals and ditches.
Remains of millet and barley seeds were found.

The 17th century BC date suggests that the settlement was about co-eval
to, or just post-dating, the Indo-Aryan migration into South Asia and
Mesopotamia (the Gandhara grave culture appearing in the Northern
Pakistan from ca. 1600 BC, the Indo-European Mitanni rulers reached
Anatolia before 1500 BC, both roughly 3,000 kilometres (1,900 mi)
removed from the Sintashta-Petrovka area), and that it was either an
early Iranian culture, or an unknown branch of Indo-Iranian that did not
survive into historical times.

Biochemist Anatole Klyosov conducted genetic researches, that, in his
opinion, confirm Aryan theory of Arkaim origination.[1] Although it
should be noted that Professor Klyosov's usage of the term Aryan is tied
to its meaning as describing a population of people who migrated to
India by 1500 BC rather than an ethnic identity of the population that
remained in place.

This page was last modified on 27 August 2014 at 19:35. ==

(4) Sintashta, just east of the Urals, had chariot-burials and horse
sacrifices like Rig Veda

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sintashta

Sintashta  is an archaeological site in Chelyabinsk Oblast, Russia. It
is the remains of a fortified settlement dating to the Bronze Age, c.
2800-1600 BC,[1] and is the type site of the Sintashta culture. The site
has been characterised "fortified metallurgical industrial center"[2]
and the ritual activities evident at associated cemeteries linked to
Proto-Indo-Iranian traditions. Sintashta is situated in the steppe just
east of the Ural Mountains. The site is named for the adjacent Sintashta
River, a tributary to the Tobol. The shifting course of the river over
time has destroyed half of the site, leaving behind thirty one of the
approximately fifty or sixty houses in the settlement.[3]

The settlement consisted of rectangular houses arranged in a circle 140
m in diameter and surrounded by a timber-reinforced earthen wall with
gate towers and a deep ditch on its exterior. The fortifications at
Sintashta and similar settlements such as Arkaim were of unprecedented
scale for the steppe region. There is evidence of copper and bronze
metallurgy taking place in every house excavated at Sintashta, again an
unprecedented intensity of metallurgical production for the steppe.[3]
Early Abashevo culture ceramic styles strongly influenced Sintashta
ceramics.[4] Due to the assimilation of tribes in the region of the
Urals, such as the Pit-grave, Catacomb, Poltavka, and northern Abashevo
into the Novokumak horizon, it would seem inaccurate to provide
Sintashta with a purely Aryan attribution.[5] In the origin of
Sintashta, the Abashevo culture would play an important role.[6]

Five cemeteries have been found associated with the site, the largest of
which (known as Sintashta mogila or SM) consisted of forty graves. Some
of these were chariot burials, producing the oldest known chariots in
the world. Others included horse sacrifices--up to eight in a single
grave--various stone, copper and bronze weapons, and silver and gold
ornaments. The SM cemetery is overlain by a very large kurgan of a
slightly later date. It has been noted that the kind of funerary
sacrifices evident at Sintashta have strong similarities to funerary
rituals described in the Rig Veda, an ancient Indian religious text
often associated with the Proto-Indo-Iranians.[3] Therefore it was
speculated that the geographical place of the Sintashta culture may have
been the imagined Indo-Iranian homeland, but a direct link with the
Sintashta culture has been dismissed.[7]

Radiocarbon dates from the settlement and cemeteries span over a
millennium, suggesting an earlier occupation belonging to the Poltavka
culture. The majority the dates, however, are around 2100-1800 BC, which
points at a main period of occupation of the site consistent with other
settlements and cemeteries of the Sintashta culture.[3]

Notes[edit]
1. Anthony 2007, p. 375.
2. Anthony 2007, p. 371.
3. a b c d Anthony 2007, p. 371-375.
4. David W. Anthony, "The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age
Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World", Princeton
University Press, 2007, p 382
5. Elena E. Kuz'mina, The Origin of the Indo-Iranians, Volume 3, edited
by J. P. Mallory, Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands 2007, p 222
6. David W. Anthony, "The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age
Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World", Princeton
University Press, 2007, p 382
7. Aedeen Cremin, Archaeologica, 2007, p.234 References[edit]

This page was last modified on 22 December 2013 at 22:57.

(5) Andronovo culture, in West Siberia, was Indo-Iranian (homeland on a
large scale)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andronovo_culture

Andronovo culture

Map of the approximate maximal extent of the Andronovo culture. The
formative Sintashta-Petrovka culture is shown in darker red. The
location of the earliest spoke-wheeled chariot finds is indicated in
purple. Adjacent and overlapping cultures (Afanasevo culture, Srubna
culture, BMAC) are shown in green.

Archaeological cultures associated with Indo-Iranian migrations (after
EIEC). The Andronovo, BMAC and Yaz cultures have often been associated
with Indo-Iranian migrations. The Swat, Cemetery H, Copper Hoard and PGW
cultures are candidates for cultures associated with Indo-Aryan movements.

The Andronovo culture is a collection of similar local Bronze Age
cultures that flourished ca. 1800–1400 BCE in western Siberia and the
west Asiatic steppe. It is probably better termed an archaeological
complex or archaeological horizon. The name derives from the village of
Andronovo (  WikiMiniAtlas 55°53¢N 55°42¢E? / ?55.883°N 55.700°E? /
55.883; 55.700), where in 1914, several graves were discovered, with
skeletons in crouched positions, buried with richly decorated pottery.
The older Sintashta culture (2100–1800), formerly included within the
Andronovo culture, is now considered separately, but regarded as its
predecessor, and accepted as part of the wider Andronovo horizon.

Sub-cultures have been distinguished:

     * Alakul (1800–1400 BCE)     * Fedorovo (1700–1300 BCE)     *
Alekseyevka (1200–1000 BCE)

The geographical extent of the culture is vast and difficult to
delineate exactly. On its western fringes, it overlaps with the
approximately contemporaneous, but distinct, Srubna culture in the
Volga-Ural interfluvial. To the east, it reaches into the Minusinsk
depression, with some sites as far west as the southern Ural
Mountains,[1] overlapping with the area of the earlier Afanasevo
culture.[2] Additional sites are scattered as far south as the Koppet
Dag (Turkmenistan), the Pamir (Tajikistan) and the Tian Shan
(Kyrgyzstan). The northern boundary vaguely corresponds to the beginning
of the Taiga.[1] In the Volga basin, interaction with the Srubna culture
was the most intense and prolonged, and Federovo style pottery is found
as far west as Volgograd.

Towards the middle of the 2nd millennium, the Andronovo cultures begin
to move intensively eastwards. They mined deposits of copper ore in the
Altai Mountains and lived in villages of as many as ten sunken log cabin
houses measuring up to 30m by 60m in size. Burials were made in stone
cists or stone enclosures with buried timber chambers.

In other respects, the economy was pastoral, based on cattle, horses,
sheep, and goats.[1] While agricultural use has been posited, no clear
evidence has been presented.

Most researchers associate the Andronovo horizon with early Indo-Iranian
languages, though it may have overlapped the early Uralic-speaking area
at its northern fringe.

The Andronovo culture is strongly associated with the Indo-Iranians
(Aryans) and is often credited with the invention of the spoke-wheeled
chariot around 2000 BCE.[3] The Andronovo culture is also notable for
regional advances in metallurgy.[1]

Sintashta is a site on the upper Ural River. It is famed for its
grave-offerings, particularly chariot burials. These inhumations were in
kurgans and included all or parts of animals (horse and dog) deposited
into the barrow. Sintashta is often pointed to as the premier
proto-Indo-Iranian site, and it is conjectured that the language spoken
was still in the Proto-Indo-Iranian stage.[4] There are similar sites
"in the Volga-Ural steppe".[5]

The identification of Andronovo as Indo-Iranian has been challenged by
scholars who point to the absence of the characteristic timber graves of
the steppe south of the Oxus River.[6] Sarianidi (as cited in Bryant
2001:207) states that "direct archaeological data from Bactria and
Margiana show without any shade of doubt that Andronovo tribes
penetrated to a minimum extent into Bactria and Margianian oases".

Based on its use by Indo-Aryans in Mitanni and Vedic India, its prior
absence in the Near East and Harappan India, and its 16th–17th century
BCE attestation at the Andronovo site of Sintashta, Kuzmina (1994)
argues that the chariot corroborates the identification of Andronovo as
Indo-Iranian. Klejn (1974) and Brentjes (1981) find the Andronovo
culture much too late for an Indo-Iranian identification since
chariot-wielding Aryans appear in Mitanni by the 15th to 16th century
BCE. However, Anthony & Vinogradov (1995) dated a chariot burial at
Krivoye Lake to around 2000 BCE.[7]

Mallory (as cited in Bryant 2001:216) admits the extraordinary
difficulty of making a case for expansions from Andronovo to northern
India, and that attempts to link the Indo-Aryans to such sites as the
Beshkent and Vakhsh cultures "only gets the Indo-Iranians to Central
Asia, but not as far as the seats of the Medes, Persians or Indo-Aryans".

Eugene Helimski has suggested that the Andronovo people spoke a separate
branch of the Indo-Iranian group. He claims that borrowings in the
Finno-Ugric languages support this view.[8] Vladimir Napolskikh has
proposed that borrowings in Finno-Ugric indicate that the language was
specifically of the Indo-Aryan type.[9]

Since older forms of Indo-Iranian words have been taken over in Uralic
and Proto-Yeniseian, occupation by some other languages (also lost ones)
cannot be ruled out altogether, at least for part of the Andronovo area:
i. e., Uralic and Yeniseian.[10] The area of the Andronovo culture may
also have overlapped the Turkic-speaking area at its northeastern
fringe.[11]

In the minority are those that believe in the multiethnic identity of
the Andronovo tribes.[12] Thus, V N. Chernetsov (1973) argues for an
Ugric substrate among the Andronovo tribes and a specific Indo-Iranian
identity for the Alakul tribe.[13] Stokolos (1972), on the other hand,
argues for an Ugric identity for the Andronovo, a local development for
the Fedorov tribe, and an Indo-Iranian one for the Alakul tribe.[14]

According to Carl C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, from the common roots of the
millennia-long Andronovo cultures, processes of both convergence and
divergence allow for the presence of not only the Indo-Iranian languages
but for other language families as well, that is, Altaic and Uralic,[15]
both Proto-Turkic and Proto-Mongolian could reflect a culture like the
Andronovo.[16] According to K. Jettmar, some sites show a striking
similarity to the Tungusic peoples.[17] Successors[edit]

In southern Siberia and Kazakhstan, the Andronovo culture was succeeded
by the Karasuk culture (1500–800 BCE). On its western border, it is
succeeded by the Srubna culture, which partly derives from the Abashevo
culture. The earliest historical peoples associated with the area are
the Cimmerians and Saka/Scythians, appearing in Assyrian records after
the decline of the Alekseyevka culture, migrating into Ukraine from ca.
the 9th century BCE (see also Ukrainian stone stela), and across the
Caucasus into Anatolia and Assyria in the late 8th century BCE, and
possibly also west into Europe as the Thracians (see Thraco-Cimmerian),
and the Sigynnae, located by Herodotus beyond the Danube, north of the
Thracians, and by Strabo near the Caspian Sea. Both Herodotus and Strabo
identify them as Iranian.

Ancient DNA[edit]

Out of 10 human male remains assigned to the Andronovo horizon from the
Krasnoyarsk region, 9 possessed the R1a Y-chromosome haplogroup and one
the haplogroup C-M130 (xC3). mtDNA haplogroups of nine individuals
assigned to the same Andronovo horizon and region were as follows: U4 (2
individuals), U2e, U5a1, Z, T1, T4, H, and K2b.

90% of the Bronze Age period mtDNA haplogroups were of west Eurasian
origin and the study determined that at least 60% of the individuals
overall (out of the 26 Bronze and Iron Age human remains' samples of the
study that could be tested) had light hair and blue or green eyes.[18]

A 2004 study also established that, during the Bronze/Iron Age period,
the majority of the population of Kazakhstan (part of the Andronovo
culture during Bronze Age), was of west Eurasian origin (with mtDNA
haplogroups such as U, H, HV, T, I and W), and that prior to the
thirteenth to seventh century BC, all Kazakh samples belonged to
European lineages.[19]

This page was last modified on 16 November 2014 at 04:52.

(6) Spencer Wells, Genetist: Europeans descend from Cro-Magnons; Aryans
came in later from Steppe

http://mailstar.net/wells-genetics.html

In his book The Journey of Man, Wells shows that Europe's ancestry
derives mainly from people in that continent around 30,000 years ago;
not from early agriculturalists in the Middle East. But there was an
invasion of Aryans from the steppes, which imposed the Indo-European
languages on Europe and northern India.

Before that, Basque might have been more typical of European languages.

Spencer Wells discovered a genetic marker, M17, which is the signature
of the Aryan invaders from the steppe into east & central Europe and
northern India.

{p. 127} I said at the beginning of Chapter 5 that my Y-chromosome is
defined by a marker known as M173. It turns out that this marker is not
unique to me - in fact, it is found at high frequency throughout western
Europe. Intriguingly, the highest frequencies are found in the far west,
in Spain and Ireland, where M173 is present in over 90 per cent of men.
It is, then, the dominant marker in western Europe, since most men
belong to the lineage that it defines. The high frequency tells us two
things. First, that the vast majority of western Europeans share a
single male ancestor at some point in the past. And second, that
something happened to cause the other lineages to be lost.

{p. 129} When several microsatellites from M173 chromosomes are
examined, the level of variation is consistent with an age of around
30,000 years. Of course, as with any estimate of time, this has a
substantial range of error, but the most likely date for the origin of
M173 is around 30,000 years ago. This date means that the man who gave
rise to the vast majority of western Europeans lived around 30,000 years
ago - consistent with a recent African diaspora, and again showing that
Neanderthals could not have been direct ancestors of modern Europeans.

{p. 132} M173, our 30,000-year-old marker, has the advantage of being
present at very high frequency in the most isolated European populations
(including the Celts and the Basques), and its age corresponds roughly
to the inferred date of modern human settlement based on archaeology.
Other major Y lineages present in Europe are younger than M173, and thus
arrived later, or descended from M173 itself. Thus M173 is the likely
marker of the first modern Europeans, defining the European clan. Of
course, it is simply the terminal marker in a long line of genealogical
descent that traces back to M168 and our African Adam. The penultimate
marker, though, actually solves the mystery of where the earliest
Europeans came from. This marker, a stepping-stone on the way to M173,
is M45 - making Europeans a subset of the central Asian clan.

{p. 154} In effect, modern Europeans are largely genetically Cro-Magnon
on both their maternal and paternal sides.

{p. 166} Renfrew's first model is that of an early Neolithic migration
from the Middle East, with the settlers carrying their PIE language with
them. In this model, the Harappans would already have been
Indo-European, and thus there is no reason to infer an Aryan invasion in
order to account for the languages of India. The second model, giving
more credence to the Rig Veda, is that there was an invasion of the
Indus region by Indo-European speaking nomads from central Asia, but it
was carried out by relatively few individuals. Thus it had little impact
on the population of the subcontinent, aside from the imposition of a
language and culture. In both cases, the Indian genetic data shows a
minor contribution from the northern steppes.

The test of the Childe-Gimbutas and Renfrew hypotheses awaited the
development of markers that were capable of distinguishing between
populations from the steppe and the indigenous Indian gene pool. As we
saw in Chapter 6, M20 defines the first major wave of migration into
India from the Middle East, around 30,000 years ago. It is found at
highest frequency in the populations of the south, who speak Dravidian
languages - a language family completely unrelated to Indo-European. In
some southern populations, M20 reaches a frequency of over 50 per cent,
while it is found only sporadically outside India. Thus, for our
purposes, it is an indigenous Indian marker. What was needed to complete
the analysis was a steppe marker, in order to see what contribution it
may have made to the genetic diversity present in India.

This came with the discovery of a marker known as M17, which is

{p. 167} present at high frequency (40 per cent plus) from the Czech
Republic across to the Altai Mountains in Siberia and south throughout
central Asia. Absolute dating methods suggest that this marker is
10-15,000 years old, and the microsatellite diversity is greatest in
southern Russia and Ukraine, suggesting that it arose there. M17 is a
descendant of M173, which is consistent with a European origin. The
origin, distribution and age of M17 strongly suggest that it was spread
by the Kurgan people in their expansion across the Eurasian steppe. The
key to solving our language puzzle is to see what it looks like in India
and the Middle East.

The answer is that M17 in India is found at high frequency in those
groups speaking Indo-European languages. In the Hindi-speaking
population of Delhi, for example, around 35 per cent of men have this
marker. Indo-European-speaking groups from the south also show similarly
high frequencies, while the neighbouring Dravidian speakers show much
lower frequencies - 10 per cent or less. This strongly suggests that M17
is an Indo-European marker, and shows that there was a massive genetic
influx into India from the steppes within the past 10,000 years. Taken
with the archaeological data, we can say that the old hypothesis of an
invasion of people - not merely their language - from the steppe appears
to be true.

And what of the Middle East? Interestingly, M17 is not found at high
frequency there - it is present in only 5-10 per cent of Middle Eastern
men. This is true even for the population of Iran, speaking Farsi, a
major Indo-European language. Those living in the western part of the
country have low frequencies of M17, while those living further east
have frequencies more like those seen in India. What lies between the
two regions is, as we learned in Chapter 6, an inhospitable tract of
desert. The results suggest that the great Iranian deserts were barriers
to the movement of Indo-Europeans in much the same way that they had
been to late Upper Palaeolithic migration.

The Y-chromosome results from Iran and the Middle East also suggest that
early Middle Eastern agriculturalists did not spread Indo-European
languages eastward as they moved into the Indus Valley. The marker M172,
associated with the spread of agriculture, is found throughout India -
consistent with an early introduction from the Middle East, most likely
during the Neolithic. But the frequency is

{p. 168} comparable in Indo-European and Dravidian speakers, suggesting
that the introduction of agriculture pre-dated that of the Indo-European
languages. Thinking in terms of actual behaviour, many Indian
descendants of Neolithic farmers have learned to speak Indo-European
languages, while fewer M17-carrying Indo-European speakers - up to this
point- have given up their language in favour of Dravidian.

The low frequency of M17 in western Iran suggests that, in this case,
exactly the sort of scenario envisaged by Renfrew in his second model
has occurred. It is likely that a few invading Indo-European speakers
were able to impose their language on an indigenous Iranian population
by a process Renfrew calls elite dominance. In this model, something -
be it military power, economic might, or perhaps organizational ability
- allowed the Indo-Europeans of the steppes to achieve cultural hegemony
over the ancient, settled civilizations of western Iran. One candidate
for this 'something' was their use of horses in warfare, either to pull
chariots or as mounts. Cavalry and chariots, both steppe inventions,
would have given the early nomadic Indo- Europeans a distinct advantage
over their adversaries' infantry. The use of horses would provide a
major technological advantage to armies over the next three millennia.
It is not difficult to imagine that it gave an early advantage to the
people of the Eurasian steppe.

(7) Hykos were multiracial - both Aryan and Canaanite/Hebrew

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyksos

The Hyksos or Hycsos were a multiracial people from Middle East who took
over the eastern Nile Delta, ending the Thirteenth Dynasty of Egypt and
initiating the Second Intermediate Period.[4]

Important Canaanite populations first appeared in Egypt towards the end
of the 12th Dynasty c. 1800 BC, and either around that time or c. 1720
BC, formed an independent realm in the eastern Nile Delta.[5] The
Canaanite rulers of the Delta, regrouped in the 14th Dynasty, coexisted
with the Egyptian 13th Dynasty, based in Itjtawy. The power of the 13th
and 14th Dynasties progressively waned, perhaps due to famine and
plague,[5][6] and c. 1650 BC both were invaded by the Hyksos, who formed
their own dynasty, the 15th Dynasty. The collapse of the 13th Dynasty
created a power vacuum in the south, which may have led to the rise of
the 16th Dynasty, based in Thebes, and possibly of a local dynasty in
Abydos.[5] Both were eventually conquered by the Hyksos, albeit for a
short time in the case of Thebes. From then on, the 17th Dynasty took
control of Thebes and reigned for some time in peaceful coexistence with
the Hyksos kings, perhaps as their vassals. Eventually, Seqenenre Tao,
Kamose and Ahmose waged war against the Hyksos and expelled Khamudi,
their last king, from Egypt c. 1550 BC.[5]

The Hyksos practiced horse burials, and their chief deity, their native
storm god, became associated with the Egyptian storm and desert god,
Seth.[7] Although most Hyksos names seem Semitic, the Hyksos also
included Hurrians, who, while speaking an isolated language, were under
the rule and influence of Indo-Europeans.[8]

The Hyksos brought several technical improvements to Egypt, as well as
cultural infusions such as new musical instruments and foreign loan
words.[9] The changes introduced include new techniques of bronze
working and pottery, new breeds of animals, and new crops.[9] In
warfare, they introduced the horse and chariot,[10] the composite bow,
improved battle axes, and advanced fortification techniques.[9] Because
of these cultural advances, Hyksos rule was decisive for Egypt’s later
empire in the Middle East.[9]

This page was last modified on 31 October 2014 at 15:12.

(8) Reply from Frederick Toben on 18C & Own Goal which helped Lobby
From: "Fredrick Toben" <toben@toben.biz>
Subject: RE: Frederick Toben helps Jewish Lobby to block changes to 18C
Hate Speech Law
Date: Wed, 19 Nov 2014 18:49:43 +1030

-----Original Message-----
From: Fredrick Toben [mailto:toben@toben.biz]
Sent: Wednesday, 19 November 2014 6:19 PM
To: 'RePorterNoteBook@Gmail.com'
Cc: 'peter.myers@mailstar.net'
Subject: From an Australian and former Catholic turned
Atheist-Marxist-Trotskyist-Holocaust Believer who claims to be an
intellectual

Perhaps of interest:

Peter Myers, with his lack of a moral imperative, would never understand
my maxim: Don't only blame the Jews, but also blame those who bend to
their pressure.

The below text highlights the flawed use Myers makes of his beloved
atheistic-Talmudic-Marxist death dialectic, which does not solve any of
our moral problems because Myers' mind functions only in win-lose
categories, never in compromise. In this way he embraces intellectual
hubris, which was one of the hallmarks of the Nietzschean philosophy of
hedonistic inversion.

Myers would shudder at the thought of introducing the Hegelian
life-giving dialectic of compromise, which Wagner so admirably
introduces into his musical creations. The battle there is one between
power and love and how to attain the balance between these two
fundamental human impulses. It is also not one where a trivial version
exists in the form of "the power of love".

Of course, for Myers there is no such thing as LOVE, only sexual
exploitation a la Talmudic-Marxist ideology, of which he has been a good
practitioner.

 > Frederick Toben helps Jewish Lobby to block changes to 18C Hate
Speech Law
 > by Peter Myers, November 18, 2014
 > This material is at http://mailstar.net/Toben-Carr-Lobby-18C.doc