Correction - the WRONG Michael Hudson
Newsletter published on 26 January 2014
(1) Correction - the WRONG Michael
Hudson
(2) Not THAT Michael Hudson
(3) Michael W. Hudson, journalist at
International Consortium of
Investigative Journalists
(4) Predatory
Lenders and Wall Street Bankers - Michael W. Hudson
(5) Michael W. Hudson
shows Predatory reality, cf the abstract Economics
theory taught in
Universities
(6) A corporation’s place of domicile = its place of
incorporation
(7) British Virgin Islands - the leading corporate domicile in
the world
(1) Correction - the WRONG Michael Hudson
From: Ellen
Brown <ellenhbrown@gmail.com>
Date: Sat,
25 Jan 2014 03:26:10 -0800
Subject: Re: China leaders' use of Tax Havens
OUTED by Michael Hudson &
Investigative Journalists
I think it's
a different Michael Hudson --
http://www.icij.org/journalists/michael-hudson
Ellen
Comment
(Peter M.):
You are right. What a mistake - I nearly got Michael Hudson
(the
Economist) excluded from China.
I remember now - his name is
Michael Huckleberry Hudson. His father,
Carlos Hudson, was a fan of Huck
Finn.
Michael the Economist had written about Tax Havens in the past, but
was
also something of a Georgist - eg he spoke at a Georgist fest in
Melbourne a few years ago; he was brought out by Prosper
Australia.
Georgists would replace all existing taxes with a Land Tax -
but Tax
Havens would escape this, because they are offshore.
However,
Michael Hudson also advocates increased Capital Gains Taxes on
the wealthy,
the cessation of Payroll Tax (a tax on employment), and
more generally a
shift of the tax burden from Workers to Capital.
Michael W. Hudson, the
journalist, has written this excellent book:
The Monster: How a Gang of
Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers
Fleeced America--and Spawned a
Global Crisis
(2) Not THAT Michael Hudson
Date: Sat, 25 Jan 2014
21:15:43 -0500
Subject: Not THAT Michael Hudson
From: Michael Hudson
<michael.hudson@earthlink.net>
Please
put a retraction in. this isn't me. It's probably a former Wall
Street
Journal reporter, M W. Hudson.
MH
(3) Michael W. Hudson, journalist at
International Consortium of
Investigative Journalists
http://www.icij.org/journalists/michael-hudson
Michael
Hudson, USA, is a senior editor at ICIJ.
His two decades of work on
mortgage and banking fraud has prompted media
critics to call him the
reporter "who beat the world on subprime abuses"
and the "guru of all things
predatory lending." He previously worked as
a reporter for the Wall Street
Journal and as an investigator for the
Center for Responsible Lending.
Hudson has also written for Forbes, the
New York Times, the Los Angeles
Times and Mother Jones.
His work has won many honors, including a George
Polk Award for magazine
reporting, a John Hancock Award for business
journalism and accolades
from the National Press Club, the White House
Correspondents’
Association, the American Bar Association and the New York
State Society
of CPAs.
He edited the award-winning book Merchants of
Misery and appeared in the
documentary film Maxed Out. His latest book, THE
MONSTER: How a Gang of
Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers Fleeced
America—and Spawned a
Global Crisis, was named 2010 Book of the Year by
Baltimore City Paper
and called "essential reading for anyone concerned with
the mortgage
crisis" by Library Journal.
His recent series of stories
for the Center for Public Integrity, "The
Great Mortgage Cover-Up," has been
selected to appear in Columbia
University Press's Best Business Writing,
2012.
(4) Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers - Michael W.
Hudson
http://www.newrepublic.com/book/review/monster-michael-hudson
Insiders
and Outsiders
Reviewed by JAKE WHITNEY
The Monster: How a Gang of
Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers
Fleeced America – And Spawned a
Global Crisis
by Michael W. Hudson
Times Books, 384 pp., $26
ON
A RAINY NOVEMBER morning in 1990, an eighty-nine-year-old widower
from
Burbank, California named Anthony Elliott, after discovering that
he had
lost his life savings, climbed into his bathtub and slit his
wrists with a
straight razor. Three days earlier, on Thanksgiving Day,
he had typed a
suicide note. It read: “There is nothing left for me ...
My government is
supposed to serve and protect, but who? Those who can
gather the most
savings from retired people.”
Elliott had been a victim of “predatory
lending,” and the financial
institution that coaxed him out of his $200,000
nest egg was Lincoln
Savings and Loan, run by the now-infamous Charles
Keating. Federal
regulators had been watching Lincoln, but Keating recruited
Alan
Greenspan, former chairman of President Ford’s Council of Economic
Advisors and soon to be Chairman of the Federal Reserve, to get them off
his back. Greenspan told the regulators that Lincoln was “financially
strong” and presented “no foreseeable risk” to investors. It collapsed
soon afterward.
Elliott’s suicide is but a footnote in Michael W.
Hudson’s new book, but
it resonates nonetheless. If predatory lending played
a role in the S&L
debacle, how could we have allowed it to thrive again?
Once the
deregulation of financial institutions began, so did the
skullduggery of
those who ran them.
Deregulation started all the way
back in 1979. The Carter Administration
removed rules governing what
S&L’s could invest in, and almost
immediately CEOs such as Roland
Arnall, who launched Long Beach Savings
and Loan and later Ameriquest, began
concocting schemes to exploit the
looser regulations. Those schemes would
create great wealth for Arnall
and his ilk while placing investors in
increasing peril—an imbalance
that became more extreme as deregulation
progressed over the next three
decades.
Along with deregulation came
something more insidious: a campaign by the
big banks to push homeowners
into second mortgages and home-equity
loans. Hudson reminds us that before
the 1980s, “the idea of borrowing
against the family homestead … was
considered vaguely disreputable, an
act of desperation or irresponsibility.”
But that changed after Citicorp
and the large S&L’s bombarded homeowners
with advertisements telling
them to liquidate their equity. In a bit of
wordplay that would make
Frank Luntz proud, the ads invariably replaced the
stigma-holding term
“second mortgage” with the friendlier “equity access.”
While this
campaign was initially aimed at the economically stable, it did
not take
long before an alternate industry emerged to target the poor and
financially unsophisticated.
Retirees such as Elliott, lenders
quickly learned, were among the most
easily manipulated. “Remember,”
executives from one firm wrote in an
internal memo, “the weak, meek and
ignorant are always good targets.”
Hudson offers multiple examples of this
type of targeting, first by the
shadier S&Ls in the 1990s and then, most
prolifically, by modern
subprime lenders. Hudson’s delineation of a
systematic effort to deceive
these borrowers rebuts arguments that the
borrowers themselves bear most
of the responsibility for the subprime
crisis. On the contrary, the
dishonesty of many lenders was mind-bogglingly
ubiquitous, and went
beyond lying about mortgage rates and prepayment
penalties to forging
signatures and doctoring loan
applications.
Hudson focuses on Arnall, among all other potential
targets, because
Arnall spent virtually his entire career as a predatory
lender.
Ameriquest, his flagship company, became the largest and perhaps the
most devious of the subprime mortgage lenders. He was also among the
first to partner with Wall Street to securitize subprime loans. This
turned out to be a watershed moment, because it was not until investment
banks began bankrolling mortgage lenders that the stage was set for a
major crisis. And here Hudson turns to Lehman Brothers—the investment
bank that gambled biggest on subprime—to explain how our housing mess
sparked a global meltdown.
The Monster is among a wave of books and
films that attempt to shed
light on the subprime crisis and the 2008 crash,
but it is remarkably
comprehensive on its own—a sweeping, detailed, and
forceful account of
the events, the people, and the policies that led to our
current
economic woes. Hudson’s wisest decision was to avoid obsessing over
infamous and arcane Wall Street creations, such as derivatives,
collateralized debt obligations, and credit-default swaps, even though
they played a role in the market crash. Instead he chose to focus on
people—the perpetrators and the victims of mortgage fraud, and the brave
few who tried to stop it.
In the end, though, Hudson’s book is about
something broader than
mortgage lending; its true subject is the insular
world of corporate
sales, and the dire consequences that ensue when sales
departments are
usurped by a culture of absolute greed. (The title refers to
a deceptive
sales tactic wielded by First Alliance Mortgage Company.) Hudson
portrays Ameriquest and First Alliance as paradigms of this culture:
where cut-throat competition and complete disregard for a client’s best
interests were the rule, where movies such as Boiler Room were
worshiped, and where managers pressed for more loan volume, regardless
of how it was achieved. Absent deregulation and the culture that gave
rise to it, Hudson asserts, the crisis would not have occurred.
So
why was it allowed to thrive again after wreaking such havoc only a
few
years earlier? The truth was that this culture was viewed not as a
danger
but as a virtue by those in positions of real power. Deregulation
had been
gospel for twenty-five years at the executive level, and
Greenspan refused
to step in during the crisis. While Greenspan gave lip
service to concerns
about “questionable practices,” his true philosophy
was summed up in 1963 in
an essay for Ayn Rand’s journal: “It is
precisely the ‘greed’ of the
businessman which is the excelled protector
of the
consumer.”
Hudson’s book is an utter repudiation of that philosophy. “All
we care
about is fucking making money,” one Ameriquest manager wrote in an
email, “Nothing else matters.” Here, embodied by Arnall and his company,
is Greenspan’s “‘greed’ of the businessman” in its purest form. While
conservatives continue to insist that it was government action, not
government inaction, that caused the crisis, the culprits they point
to—Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the Community Reinvestment Act—were minor
players in the orchestra that ushered in the collapse.
No, here was
an unfettered market that failed to “self-correct,” and
Greenspan, in what
were perhaps his final hours upon the world stage,
admitted as much. In a
chilling exchange with Rep. Henry Waxman before a
House Committee, Greenspan
lamented that the crisis had exposed a flaw
in the philosophy that he had
promoted for more than forty years. “What
I’m saying to you is, yes, I found
a flaw. I don’t know how significant
or permanent it is, but I’ve been very
distressed by that fact.” Not as
distressed, certainly, as many other
Americans.
Jake Whitney is a journalist in New York.
(5) Michael
W. Hudson shows Predatory reality, cf the abstract Economics
theory taught
in Universities
http://www.amazon.com/Monster-Predatory-Lenders-Bankers-America--/dp/B00BFQN866/ref=la_B003A4W9KC_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1390690894&sr=1-1
The
Monster: How a Gang of Predatory Lenders and Wall Street Bankers
Fleeced
America--and Spawned a Global Crisis
by Michael W. Hudson
44 of 47
people found the following review helpful
Strong account of predatory
lendingBy MT57 on October 31, 2010
This was a strong book. Strong in the
sense of well documented and
researched, and strong in vivid detail and
tone. The author says he has
been covering predatory lending since the early
90's and I can believe
it. He has many anecdotes, many stories of
individuals being defrauded,
and many interviews of persons who worked for
predatory lenders. This is
the first writing of any kind I can find to
enable me to understand
predatory lending, as opposed to just dumb subprime
lending. This
understanding arose when the author cited statistics that show
99.75% of
these lenders' loans were not to purchase a house but to people
who
already owned a house. The book conveys in very strong detail the ways
in which First Alliance and Ameriquest "preyed" on elderly, minority,
sometimes incompetent homeowners and tricked them into putting their
homes at risk for loans that were unnecessary, more expensive than
called for and in many cases based on fraudulent documentation. There is
no doubt that these are stories of outright criminal behavior and many
more people should have been prosecuted for what they did (the owner of
First Alliance and Ameriquest has died). Mr Hudson depicts thoroughly
the business model of predatory lending, their hiring and training and
sales practices, their advertising budgets and their lobbying prowess
(he absolutely impales Deval Patrick, ACORN and many other organizations
as being bought off by the predatory lenders). He provides real insight
when he demonstrates that the owners of these businesses appear to take
it for granted that they will only be in business for a few years. Read
more ›
26 of 29 people found the following review helpful
Explodes politically self serving myths of economics and rational
choiceBy
Eggcrate on November 18, 2010
The previous reviewers have done a good job
of explaining basically what
The Monster is all about. However, I would like
to highlight why the
book presents a unique challenge to academic economic
theory,
particularly as it applies to public policy.
The foundation
stone of Neo-Classical economics is that market
participants are inherently
rational, are capable of "discovering" the
best available deals, and will
quickly put destructive market
participants out of business. This is the
Revealed Truth of Milton
Freidman, the bonkers Objectivist philosophy of the
beyond bonkers Ayn
Rand, the rigid simple mindedness of the economics texts
by Gregrory
Mankiw and the Harvard kids who have been force fed this
abstracted,
idealized, establishmentarian slop....
Micheal Hudson
never explicitly sets out to torpedo theoretic economics,
he simply sets
forth the way a set of perverse incentives, aided and
abetted by an utterly
dysfunctional regulatory apparatus, could make an
absolute, unrecoverable
hash of the Ivy League worldview... one in which
all markets naturally seek
the most efficient (and in Friedmanite
orthodoxy) most moral allocation of
assets and talent.
Hudson instead shows a nested structure of economic
actors that behave
more like criminalized, methamphetamine soaked, reckless,
soulless
swine. It is abundantly clear that "incentive structures" can,
quite
easily, produce outcomes that have a high degree of local rationality,
i.e. individuals maximizing their gains, while at the same time have a
higher degree of systemic irrationality.... i.e. stuffing grossly
fraudulent paper into the securitization system in wholesale quantities
with zero regard for the ultimate consequences. Such as imploding the
credit markets...
Frankly, Hudson's book should be a mandatory text
in every introductory
economics class taught in this country, because it
dispositively proves
that the Neo-Classical/Washington Consensus model is a
broken model.
(6) A corporation’s place of domicile = its place of
incorporation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domicile_(law)
In
law, domicile is the status or attribution of being a permanent
resident in
a particular jurisdiction. [...] A corporation’s place of
domicile is
equivalent to its place of incorporation.
(7) British Virgin Islands -
the leading corporate domicile in the world
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporate_haven
A
corporate haven is a jurisdiction with laws friendly to corporations
thereby
encouraging them to choose that jurisdiction as a legal
domicile.
Contents
[edit]History
Corporate Havens are a
post 1970s[citation needed] global economic
phenomenon. This decade more or
less marked the end of colonialism and
the formation of EU in the form of
the EEC. Many legal and taxation
processes culminated in this decade that
led to the formation of Tax
Havens and Corporate Havens throughout the
developed world.
[edit]Geographical distribution
[edit]North
America
Within the United States, Delaware is considered the pre-eminent
corporate haven for large public corporations, while Nevada, Wyoming,
and Alaska are corporate havens for small closed
corporations.
Delaware, through its developed legal system and laws
protecting
shareholder rights, is geared toward the large complex public
corporation, whereas Nevada and Wyoming are more attractive to the small
privately held corporation. Delaware law tends to protect the rights of
boards of directors and shareholders, while Nevada and Wyoming tend to
favor management.
[edit]Commonwealth & Western
Europe
Corporate havens outside the United States include British
Overseas
Territories such as
Bermuda (according to the Foot
report[1] Bermuda is the third largest
reinsurance centre in the world and
the second largest captive insurance
domicile)
British Virgin Islands
(the leading corporate domicile in the world,
with nearly 500,000 active
registered companies)
Cayman Islands (the leading jurisdiction for hedge
funds)
Gibraltar (for financial services, and incorporation)
and the
British Crown Dependencies:
Guernsey (for incorporations, offshore back
office services)
Jersey (for incorporations, offshore back office
services)
Other havens include
Andorra
Zug, Switzerland
Dutch Crown Colonies: Aruba, Bonaire and CuraƧao
Nauru (mostly for
financial services, and banking)
Increasingly, multinational corporations
are using the leading corporate
havens, either by incorporating subsidiary
corporations in these
locations or by moving their corporate domicile (the
home company of the
corporation) there.
Corporate havens are often
not beneficial to small corporations
operating in one legal jurisdiction
because of the complexity of
creating a corporation elsewhere and then
having to re-register in the
local area as a foreign corporation.
[...]
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