For Auschwitz 75th anniversary, Israel joins Putin in blaming Poland for
outbreak of WWII, whitewashing Stalin for deal with Hitler
Newsletter published on January 21, 2020
(1) Battle
for Auschwitz: Shamir is defending Stalin, blaming Poland for
WWII
(2)
Battle for Auschwitz: Israel Shamir says "Poland intended to attack
Russia
as a junior partner of Hitler"; no evidence provided
(3) For Auschwitz 75th
anniversary, Israel joins Putin in blaming Poland
for outbreak of WWII,
whitewashing Stalin for deal with Hitler
(4) Putin brands Poles as allies of
Hitler
(5) German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact of 1934 was abrogated by Hitler
in
1938 when Poland was his next target
(1) Battle for Auschwitz:
Shamir is defending Stalin, blaming Poland for
WWII
- Peter Myers,
January 21, 2020
Israel Shamir's article Battle for Auschwitz (item 2)
depicts Poles as
accomplices of the Nazis, and denies Stalin' role in
starting World War II.
The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact broke up the
Anti-Comintern Pact between
Germany and Japan (at that time occupying
Manchuria and Inner Mongolia),
thus freeing the USSR from having to fight on
two fronts; instead,
Hitler was the one who had to fight on two
fronts.
Secret clauses provided that Poland be split between Germany and
the
Soviet Union, and that north-east Europe be partitioned between the two.
This initiatated WWII, giving Hitler a geeen light to take western
Poland. Stalin waited a few weeks, until the West had declared war on
Germany. He then took eastern Poland, without the West declaring war on
him. Clearly, Stalin was equally responsible, with Hitler, for war
breaking out; but he was much more cunning than Hitler.
The Soviet
Union denied the secret clauses in the Molotov-Ribbentrop
pact, until 1989,
in the Gorbachev era. They were published soon after.
"'I have deceived
him. I have deceived Hitler,' cried Stalin joyfully
after the Pact had been
signed. (Nikita Khrushchev, Memoirs, Chasidze
Publications, 1981) Stalin had
indeed deceived Hitler in a way that
nobody had deceived anyone else
throughout the whole of the twentieth
century. Only a week and a half after
the Pact had been signed Hitler
had a war on two fronts. That is to say,
from the very outset of
hostilities Germany fell into a situation in which
it could only lose
the war; or, to put it another way, on 23 August 1939,
the day the
Molotov-Ribbentrop pact was signed, Stalin had won the Second
World War
even before Hitler came into it."
- Victor Suvorov,
Icebreaker: Who Started the Second World War?,
Hamish Hamilton, London,
1990, p. 46.
There is no need for Putin and Shamir to deny Stalin's role
in starting
the war, or to defend him.
Larouche writers (Lyndon
Larouche, Webster Tarpley, F. William Engdahl)
and Yockeyists (eg Kerry
Bolton) side with Stalin and deny or minimise
his crimes.
(2) Battle
for Auschwitz: Israel Shamir says "Poland intended to attack
Russia as a
junior partner of Hitler"; no evidence provided
The Battle for
Auschwitz
by Israel Shamir
20 Jan 2020
https://www.unz.com/ishamir/the-battle-for-auschwitz/
On
Friday, January 17, 2020, three thousand salvos shook the earth of
the
Russian capital city; the sky over Moscow had been emblazoned by
glorious
fireworks. This was the repeat of the memorable salute given
seventy-five
years ago, on January 17, 1945 by 24 salvos of 324 heavy
cannons at
liberation of Warsaw by the Red Army. Ruined Warsaw had been
saved from
total loss.
This could be an excellent occasion for display of
friendliness between
the two Slavic nations. The Poles could remember
200,000 Russian
soldiers and officers killed in action at Warsaw, and say:
they died so
we may live. They could thank Russia for the bountiful lands
and great
cities that were torn out of defeated Germany and presented to
Poland:
Danzig became Gdansk, Stettin became Szczecin, Breslau became
Wroc?aw,
and Posen became Poznan´. They could thank Russia even for passing
to
the Ukraine the Ukrainian-populated lands that were under Polish rule
between the wars, the rule that ended in a big massacre of the resident
Poles by Ukrainian nationalists.
Gratitude is not a strong feature of
the Polish national character: the
Polish government ignored the event.
Instead, the Poles destroyed the
memorials and tombs of Russian soldiers. It
was mighty annoying, but
much less important than Warsaw’s decision to
establish the US radar
system of a European missile shield on its soil, the
system that made a
sudden US nuclear strike on Russia a very tangible
possibility. Poland’s
effort to undermine Russia’s pipeline to Germany;
Poland’s invitation of
US armour to take positions on its eastern border;
Poland’s endless
hostility to Russia in the Europarliament made the Russians
to view this
old founding member of the Warsaw Pact as its enemy No. 1 in
the
European continent.
You won’t be amazed that the Russians had
used a good opportunity to pay
tit for tat. This opportunity came from the
Jewish offensive against
Poland. The Jews attacked this anti-Communist
eastern bulwark of the
West from two sides at once, powerful US Jewry and
the mighty Jewish
state. Or almost at once. American Jews began the
operation by pushing
through the obsequious Congress Bill S774. This bill
told Poland to
cough up $300 Billion to American Jewish
organisations.
Under this American law, all property that once belonged
to a person of
Jewish descent in Poland must be transferred to American
Jewish
organizations. One third of Warsaw, half of Krakow, much of
residential
property in Poland belonged to Jews before the war – and now it
was
going ‘back’ to US Jewry. The law created a unique situation – what
belonged to a Jew remains forever in Jewish hands. And lawsuits cannot
be brought against these "Jewish hands". That is, if a Jewish citizen of
Poland died leaving debts, these debts disappeared. But if he died
intestate, then the house goes to Jewish American organizations. They
can evict the resident Poles, or make them pay a rent for what they
thought was their own apartments.
S774 is a brilliant idea. It
revives medieval Polish Jewry – a state in
a state. In pre-war Poland this
was not the case; Polish Jews were
Polish citizens, and if a Polish Jew died
without leaving any heirs, his
escheated property went to the Polish
republic, as did the property of a
Catholic or Orthodox Pole who died
intestate. American Jews decided to
turn the Holocaust into the biggest
property snatch of the 21st century,
by reverting to the 16th century ideas.
They will take in their own
hands all the property that belonged to the
Polish citizens of the
Mosaic Law before the war.
This peculiar idea
was not to be applied in the US or England. If an
American (or British) Jew
dies without appointing heirs, the property
will be transferred to the
state. But for Poland, they conceived a
complete restitution. If it will
work with the Poles, it may work
elsewhere; the Jews won’t be ordinary
citizens of their countries, but
rather members of supranational Jewry. The
debts will be their private
affairs, but their assets will be of the Jewry.
Brilliant, isn’t it?
The Poles didn’t like S447. There are demonstrations
against the law,
there are calls to oust the American ambassador, who added
insult to
injury by congratulating Polish Jews on Hanukkah while forgetting
to
send Christmas greetings to the Catholic Poles, the vast majority of the
nation. At that time, Israel came to support the US Jews. They demanded
that Poland repent for being nasty to Jews, to accept partial
responsibility for the Holocaust and pay. Israel pumped out many
billions from Germany, but these billions have already been used up.
Poland had paid nothing to Israel. The Bolsheviks who ruled after-war
Poland did not think that the Zionists should be paid; they considered
Poland a Nazi victim, not a beneficiary. Now there were no more
communists, so please pay, said the Jews.
Israel and American Jews
keep the pressure on Poland. They call
Auschwitz a "Polish concentration
camp", which offends the Poles very
much. They say that many Poles helped
the Nazis to realise the "final
solution to the Jewish question." Poles made
a law forbidding saying
that; the Jews took to chanting it on the
streets.
The conflict is coming now to the fore, with the 75th
anniversary of
Auschwitz liberation (by the Red Army, by the way: President
Obama’s
uncle didn’t fight in Poland, despite this silly claim of the
previous
American president). It will be celebrated in two places: in
Jerusalem
and in Auschwitz. In Jerusalem, all important dignitaries will
gather:
the French President, the US Vice-President, the German Chancellor,
the
Russian President Putin. The Polish president Andrzej Duda was invited,
too – but not as a speaker, just an also-present guest. He preferred to
skip the occasion altogether and to visit the much more modest Auschwitz
celebration at the site of the camp.
President Putin is aware of the
Polish controversy, and he decided to
show the Poles that their relentless
hostility to Russia just does not
pay. A few weeks ago on December 24, at
the meeting of the Russian
Ministry of Defence, Putin presented certain
documents of the World War
Two period, attesting to the rabidly anti-Jewish
attitude of the pre-war
Polish leadership. For instance, Jozef Lipsky, the
Polish ambassador to
Nazi Germany until 1939, told the Germans that the
Poles would erect a
monument to the Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler in Warsaw if
he were to rid
Poland of its Jews. "Such an anti-Semitic pig!" – exclaimed
Putin
indignantly.
The Poles made a miserable attempt to reinterpret
the damning words,
saying that the Polish ambassador had meant to save Jews
by sending them
to safe Africa, for instance, to Madagascar, to the harmless
lemurs, in
cooperation with Zionists, and so he was a Zionist pig, rather.
It did
not play well.
But Putin had more papers and more proof in his
vaults. He produced a
report dated late 1944-early 1945, when pro-London
Polish militants of
AK had made an attempt to take over Warsaw from the
Germans before the
Red Army’s arrival. The report said that the AK fighters
systematically
killed all the Jews who survived the German suppression of
Warsaw Ghetto
uprising (1943). It could explain why the Russian army did not
think it
is their sacred duty to help the AK militants.
Russians were
always rather good and tolerant to Jews. There were no
pogroms in Russia –
only in Poland, the Ukraine and Moldova, the
independent states once parts
of the Russian Empire. The Russians saved
millions of Jews, including
millions of Polish Jews who were allowed to
move to Russia. No other country
accepted so many Jewish refugees as
Russia did, by a long chalk. The Jews
paid this back with black
ingratitude by helping the West to carry out its
psy-war against Russia.
Masha Gessen and Leonid Gozman are typical
pro-Western and anti-Russian
Jews who won’t be alive but for Russian courage
and generosity.
Still, Russia is good for Jews. They are an integral part
of modern
Russian elites; Jewish centres occupy prime real estate sites in
Moscow
and elsewhere. Relations with Israel are also rather good, despite
the
low-key confrontation in Syria. While visiting the Auschwitz forum in
Jerusalem, Putin will also unveil a new memorial to the Soviet Jews who
perished during the cruel Leningrad siege. Netanyahu is particularly
friendly to Putin, and this personal friendship allowed them to avoid an
all-out war for Syria.
Israeli liberals, enemies of Trump and
Netanyahu, are definitely unhappy
about this development. They would prefer
that Jerusalem accommodate
Warsaw, even for the tiny price of overlooking
the ethnically-cleansed
Jews of Poland. But they are not ruling Israel, yet,
though their main
newspaper, Haaretz, is as anti-Putin as any Western
media.
The Poles are screwed-up. They thought the Jews connected to the
US
would support them against Russia, but Jews have their own calculations
and interests. If the Poles thought the Russians would never discover
their vulnerabilities, they were mistaken. It is true, the Russians had
kept so many damning documents of the period in their sealed archives;
but that was when Warsaw was an ally of Moscow. Now it makes no sense at
all, and Russians do present terrible proofs of violent Polish
anti-Jewish attitudes.
They corrected the whole narrative of the war.
While Poles like to begin
the history with Molotov-Ribbentrop treaty,
subsequently presenting the
USSR as an ally of Nazi Germany assaulting
innocent and pure Poland; in
the new Russian narrative (and in reality), the
treaty between Poland
and Nazi Germany preceded the Molotov pact by many
years. Poland
intended to attack Russia as a junior partner of Hitler. That
is why the
western border of Poland (with Germany) was totally unfortified
and
undefended, as opposed to the heavily fortified Eastern border with the
USSR. But for this strategic miscalculation of Polish between-the-wars
leadership, the Germans won’t be able to defeat Polish army within two
weeks.
The Russians provided documents showing that half a million
Poles served
in Hitler’s Wehrmacht. These prove that the Polish leadership
was fond
of German Nazis, not least because of their anti-Jewish attitudes.
Hitler personally attended the memorial service of Polish First Marshall
Jozef Pilsudski in Berlin, in 1935.
Indeed, the tricky Poles had
tried to play the West against Germany, the
Germany against the USSR, and
they ended with their country in ruins.
Instead of learning their lessons
and understanding that such intrigues
are not healthy for a mid-size
country, they repeated it after the Cold
War, by trying to become the
cutting edge of the Western assault upon
Russia. The Auschwitz Forum in
Jerusalem proves again that this policy
leads to a new disaster.
A
special resolution of the Polish Sejm – the lower house of the Polish
parliament – condemned both "provocative" and "false" statements by
Russian President Vladimir Putin, about the role of Poland in the
beginning of World War II. "Two totalitarian regimes – Nazi Germany and
the communist USSR – unleashed this war", the resolution emphasizes,
which was adopted without a voting procedure on Thursday, January 9,
while Poland is innocent.
This mantra worked all right for a long
time; while it was necessary to
accuse Russia and to delegitimise the
Soviets. But now the Jews want to
have their share of fun, incidentally at
the expense of Poland. For
Russia it is a change for the better. Jews are a
valuable ally. With
Putin in the Yad va-Shem Holocaust Memorial in
Jerusalem, and the Polish
president Duda not among those present, Polish
voices won’t be heard.
I recently received a letter from a Polish
nationalist Dr Ignacy
Nowopolski; he writes – we the Poles need to go back
to the Warsaw Pact
protection, otherwise the Jews and Germans will fleece
us.
"They started to accuse Poland of precipitating WWII and the Jewish
holocaust… From 1989 on, the Western corporations were busy designing a
strategy for effective robbery of the post communist societies’ wealth…
The West brought immense misery to countless people around the world…
The imperial media have been able to convince people in the
post-communist countries to voluntarily join the newly established
atheistic paradise of the EU. Today, after over three decades of
functioning in the Western sphere of influence, young Polish generations
accept being the second-class EU citizens as normal as the Universal Law
of Gravitation.
…anti-Russian sentiments in Poland and other Central
European countries
are mere demonstration of imprudent tendencies in their
societies. In
order to survive, these nations must overcome mutual
animosities, which
currently enable their enemies to successfully employ
ancient divide et
impera strategy. The answer is in the creation of some
sort of
"Euroslavia" in cooperation or even confederation with Russian
Federation" – i.e. going back to the Warsaw Pact.
Such a sentiment on
the lips of a hard-line Polish nationalist is a sign
of profound change of
heart. If and when such people would occupy the
old Viceroy Palace, Poland
would make peace with Russia and prosper. US
soldiers, tanks and radars
would go back to Virginia. Russian military
memorials would get freshly
painted. Russians are easy to forget old
grievances; they still have a warm
spot in their heart for the Poles,
"the French of the East". Then Russia
would support Poland against
third-party claims, as she did for many years.
But meanwhile, let the
Auschwitz Forum be a useful lesson for Poland – do
not stir hostility in
the East by the orders from the West.
On the
photo – a demonstration of the Poles against restitution
subtitled "Neo-Nazi
protest" in an American newspaper. Only a neo-Nazi
would prefer to remain
the owner of his apartment when it could be given
over to a Jewish American
organization.
Putin, who did not attend the 70th anniversary events, was
invited to
this year’s ceremonies, but declined; the Russian ambassador to
Poland
is on the list of invited guests.
(3) For Auschwitz 75th
anniversary, Israel joins Putin in blaming Poland
for outbreak of WWII,
whitewashing Stalin for deal with Hitler
https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-the-dirty-politics-behind-israel-s-capitulation-to-putin-s-wwii-revisionism-1.8406565
The
Dirty Politics Behind Israel's Capitulation to Putin's WWII
Revisionism
Hosting event marking 75th anniversary of Auschwitz
liberation, Israel's
Holocaust remembrance authority is now facilitating the
Kremlin campaign
to blame Poland for the outbreak of WWII – and to whitewash
Stalin's
handshake with Hitler
Ofer Aderet
Jan 16, 2020 12:53
PM
At the end of this month, days apart, two international ceremonies
will
be held to commemorate the 75th anniversary of Auschwitz’s liberation
from the Nazis: the first at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the second at
the site of the concentration camp itself in Poland. World leaders,
prominent Jewish figures and Holocaust survivors have been invited to
both.
Holding more than one ceremony dedicated to a major anniversary is
not
that unusual, but there is more than that going on here. Behind the
desire to honor the memory of the victims lie other, less honorable
interests. Internal Jewish community politics, diplomatic skirmishes,
historical disputes and games of power and ego have all come to be
involved in the event at Yad Vashem in particular – a commemoration of
atrocity that could be assumed to be untainted by extraneous
considerations.
One indication that outside factors would indeed
contaminate the
Jerusalem event was the highly unusual decision by Polish
President
Andrezj Duda to turn down the invitation to attend the ceremony.
He
questioned why Yad Vashem was holding an international event seemingly
in competition with the commemoration already planned at the Auschwitz
memorial site; and he announced that he would not participate because
the organizers refused to give him one of the slots for foreign
dignitaries to give a speech.
Yad Vashem’s exclusion of Duda from the
speaker list would have been
more easily justifiable were all the speakers
at the ceremony Holocaust
survivors or WWII historians. But U.S. Vice
President Mike Pence, the
presidents of Russia, France, Germany and Israel,
as well as Britain’s
Prince Charles, and Prime Minister Netanyahu all been
invited to speak
at the event.
The explanation proffered by Yad
Vashem, that all the speakers are
"heads of states that brought about the
world’s liberation from the Nazi
occupation" leaves something to be desired.
If this were truly the
guiding rule, then representatives of Germany and
Israel should clearly
not be speaking at the ceremony. Nor, if that is the
criterion, is it
clear that the president of France, whose Vichy regime
collaborated with
the Nazis until the summer of 1944, would deserve this
honor.
The Polish government, however, from its place of exile in London,
joined ranks with the Allies, and Polish troops fought against Nazi
Germany in all kinds of frameworks. Isn’t this reason enough to include
its top official on the list of speakers at the ceremony commemorating
the liberation of Auschwitz?
So the reason behind the decision not to
allow the Polish president to
speak at the event clearly lies elsewhere –
and in places that could
potentially detract from the distinguished nature
of the event that the
organizers are aiming for.
One might assume
that it is the Israeli government that is behind an
event of this magnitude,
one that involves world leaders and is being
held at Yad Vashem. But in
fact, the force behind it is someone unknown
to most Israelis: Moshe Kantor,
a Russian-Jewish billionaire and
oligarch who is president of the European
Jewish Congress.
His people say that he is the one who "proposed and
planned" the event
and is "responsible for the program and its content" and
that it is
because of him that dozens of world leaders will be in
attendance. If
that’s so, then what role do Israel's Foreign Ministry, the
President’s
Office and Yad Vashem, all also listed as organizers of the
event, have?
Kantor’s people say that he "harnessed" them to his plans.
Needless to
say, not everyone is thrilled with this portrayal of
things.
Is there any connection between the fact that Kantor is close
with the
Kremlin (so much so that he has been called "Putin's man") and the
choice to allow President Putin to speak but to deny Duda, the Polish
president, the same privilege? No one will openly admit as much, of
course, but anyone who’s been following the diplomatic tensions between
Russia and Poland, which reached a peak last month, may be wondering who
had an interest in standing by the Russian president at this time and
shunning his Polish counterpart.
For months now, Putin has been
waging a blatantly anti-Polish campaign,
claiming, in part, that Poland
played a part in the outbreak of World
War II and that it collaborated with
Nazi Germany. Soviet/Russian-Nazi
German cooperation, which culminated in
the notorious Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact that divided Poland between the two
occupying countries, is now
being depicted by Putin as unavoidable and
something that was actually
meant to help Poland.
MFA
Russia
@mfa_russia
?Today attempts are being made in a number of western
countries to
equally blame both Hitler’s Germany and the Soviet Union for
the II
World War breakout. Many of these countries are turning a blind eye
to
number of facts.#WWII #History #Commemoration #USSR #Germany
#Poland
Georgette Mosbacher
@USAmbPoland
Dear President Putin,
Hitler and Stalin colluded to start WWII. That
is a fact. Poland was a
victim of this horrible conflict.
This distortion of history led to a
justified Polish fear that Putin
would use the platform he is given at Yad
Vashem to perpetuate
anti-Polish revisionism - while the Polish president
would be forced to
look on from the audience, unable to defend himself, his
country and the
historical record. For this reason, too, Duda’s request to
join the list
of speakers is warranted.
Bear in mind that the Polish
government, too, is not above distorting
history or involving political
interests in the memory of World War II.
When the Israeli and Polish
prime ministers issued a joint statement
aimed at defusing the crisis over
Poland’s new "Holocaust law," senior
Yad Vashem historians argued (contrary
to the stance of the
institution’s chief historian, Professor Dina Porat,
head of the Kantor
Center for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry) that
it was marked
by "grave errors and deceptions" - distorting history and
insulting the
memory of the Holocaust. The controversial part of the
statement was the
claim that many Poles helped save Jews during the
Holocaust and that
Poles were only minimally involved in persecuting
Jews.
Poland did not invite Putin to the ceremonies it held on September
1 to
commemorate the 80th anniversary of the outbreak of World War II.
Representatives from the U.S. and Germany were invited and also spoke at
the event about Polish suffering during the war. And Putin, not
surprisingly, has not been invited to the ceremony to be held at
Auschwitz in Poland on January 27.
Now add to this already
complicated equation the internal politics of
the Jewish world, particularly
the rivalry between the two contenders
for leadership of prestigious
diaspora institutions – Ron Lauder,
president of the World Jewish Congress,
and Moshe Kantor, head of the
European Jewish Congress. The two are not
cooperating with one another:
Lauder is not attending the Yad Vashem event
but will attend the event
at Auschwitz four days later.
As the
world’s most important institution for preserving the memory of
the
Holocaust, Yad Vashem has a duty to keep as far away from all the
politics,
diplomatic and organizational, as possible and to ensure its
only
considerations are professional, historical and commemorative.
But the
decision to allow Putin but not Duda to speak could be perceived
as Yad
Vashem and the Israeli government taking Putin’s side – a move
that in this
context amounts to tacit support for Putin’s distorted
narrative concerning
the division of Poland at the start of World War II
and the whitewashing of
the Soviet Union's handshake with Hitler.
Yad Vashem would have been far
better off staying away from all this, by
openly disavowing Putin’s recent
statements and giving his Polish
counterpart the chance to be heard
too.
(4) Putin brands Poles as allies of Hitler
https://www.rferl.org/a/memory-wars-polish-and-russian-fight-over-world-war-ii-shifts-to-auschwitz/30386948.html
'Memory
Wars': Polish, Russian Fight Over World War II Shifts To
Auschwitz
January 20, 2020 08:53 GMT
By Mike
Eckel
Auschwitz -- the Nazi death camp in Poland where more than 1
million
Jews, Poles, and other people died -- was liberated by the Red Army
on
January 27, 1945.
This much, Poland and Russia can agree
on.
But not much else when it comes to World War II. Or a growing number
of
prewar, and postwar, Cold War events, for that matter.
And they
certainly can’t agree on the proper way to mark the 75th
anniversary of
Auschwitz liberation, or which countries’ presidents
should have a place of
honor, and where, and how.
For years, Russia and its former Soviet
satellite have locked horns over
how to properly interpret the war years and
their aftermath, a
reflection in part of President Vladimir Putin's efforts
to champion
Soviet war victories, and, more broadly, Soviet accomplishments.
Poland’s nationalist ruling party has made confronting Russia, and
defending aspects of Polish history, a prominent plank of its guiding
philosophy.
But Polish-Russian skirmishing has risen to a new
crescendo in recent
weeks, in the run-up to the 75th anniversary of the
Auschwitz liberation.
Invited to official Polish ceremonies to be held at
Auschwitz on January
27, Putin declined, according to organizers. Instead,
Putin was
scheduled to travel to Jerusalem four days earlier, to attend an
alternative commemoration -- hosted by a Kremlin-connected tycoon.
Poland’s president was invited to Jerusalem but backed out because he
would not be allowed to speak.
"I am extremely upset and worried
about the new situation in relations
between our countries," said Natalia
Lebedeva, a prominent Russian
historian and expert on Soviet-Polish
relations.
"I am afraid that this is not just a war of words, but
something more
serious," she told RFE/RL in an e-mail.
Cold
History
Warsaw’s animosity toward its eastern neighbor is rooted in
centuries of
rival empires and invading armies who have seen what is now
modern
Poland as an invasion route, or simply an appendage to more powerful
empires.
For centuries, the territory of modern-day Poland had been
carved up
between Russia, Prussia, and the Austro-Hungarian empire. After
World
War I, an independent state -- the Second Polish Republic -- was
established, but lasted only until 1939, when Moscow and Berlin signed a
nonaggression pact that also included a secret protocol providing for
Poland to be carved up again.
That agreement, part of the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, took effect when
World War II started, and Nazi and
Soviet armies invaded Poland.
Though the agreement was published in the
West after the war, its
existence was denied by the Soviet Union for
decades, until 1989; the
declassified Soviet document was published in
Russia in 1992.
Last year, the pact, and the secret protocol, drew new
scrutiny on the
70th anniversary of its signing, on August 23,
1939.
Poles, and most Western historians, labeled the pact treacherous.
Russian officials, however, sought to rationalize it, publicizing
archive documents that they claimed showed that it was Hitler, not
Stalin, who pushed for the pact and that the Soviet Union had no choice
but to sign it in order to buy time and ensure its security.
The
comments jarred with more conciliatory comments Putin himself made
10 years
earlier, in an article he penned for a Polish newspaper, in
which he called
the pact "pointless, harmful, and dangerous."
'A Triumph Of Soviet
Diplomacy'
During his first two terms as president in the 2000s, Putin
made clear
that he felt Soviet history had been unfairly distorted. In 2005,
he
called the collapse of the Soviet Union "the greatest geopolitical
catastrophe of the century."
But the trend accelerated after he
returned to the presidency in 2012,
following a four-year hiatus as prime
minister. And it grew further
after Russia annexed Ukraine’s Crimea
Peninsula in 2014, which is
considered hallowed ground for the
Kremlin.
Last September, the European Parliament passed a resolution that
blamed
the 1939 nonaggression pact for the outbreak of World War II. Russia
responded with weeks of angry criticism of the resolution. Russia’s
culture minister called the 1939 pact "a triumph of Soviet
diplomacy."
On December 19, during his annual marathon news conference in
Moscow,
Putin said it was "totally unacceptable and inaccurate" to blame
both
Hitler and Stalin for sparking the war.
He also revisited the
Kremlin argument that Stalin was forced to sign
the pact, only because
Britain and France had betrayed Moscow by signing
the 1938 Munich Agreement
with Hitler.
One day after the news conference, at a meeting with heads
of former
Soviet states, Putin gave an hour-long history lecture about the
war.
On December 25, he targeted Poland’s prewar envoy to Nazi Germany,
telling Russian defense officials that, according to Soviet records, the
envoy asked Hitler to expel the country’s Jews to Africa, and promised
to build a monument to the Nazi leader in Warsaw if he did.
"That
bastard! That anti-Semitic pig," Putin said.
That appeared to be the last
straw for Warsaw. On December 29, Prime
Minister Mateusz Morawiecki issued a
blistering, 1,300-word statement
criticizing Moscow.
"Today, when
certain individuals wish to trample the memory of these
events in the name
of their own political goals, Poland must stand up
for the truth -- not for
its own interests, but for the sake of what
defines Europe," Morawiecki
said.
And then there’s Auschwitz: the network of Nazi facilities,
officially
known as Auschwitz-Birkenau, that is now synonymous with the
genocidal
ideology of the Nazis. In all, more than 3 million Polish Jews
were
killed during the war, according to the U.S. Holocaust Memorial
Museum.
The Red Army moved into the southern Polish town and liberated
the camp
on January 27, 1945 -- the event is now marked as International
Holocaust Remembrance Day.
As with past years, Poland will host a
ceremony at Auschwitz on January
27; this year, more than 100 survivors of
the camps will also attend, as
will heads of states and dignitaries from
nearly four dozen countries.
Putin, who did not attend the 70th
anniversary events, was invited to
this year’s ceremonies, but declined; the
Russian ambassador to Poland
is on the list of invited guests.
"Each
country makes a decision about their own delegation to the
commemoration
event," Pawel Sawicki, a spokesman for the ceremony
organizers, told RFE/RL.
"That means the decision about the Russian
delegation is taken independently
by Russia which chose to be
represented by its ambassador to
Poland."
Instead, Putin will attend an event held on January 23 at
Jerusalem’s
Yad Vashem memorial, organized by the World Holocaust Forum, an
organization founded by a Russian Jewish businessman, Vyacheslav
Kantor.
Known more widely as Moshe, Kantor heads the European Jewish
Congress.
He is also, as of 2018, on the U.S. Treasury Department’s
so-called
"oligarchs list" -- a tally of nearly 200 businesspeople and
political
figures alleged to have close ties to the Kremlin.
Polish
President Andrzej Duda had been invited to attend, but backed
out, after
organizers refused his request to speak during the ceremonies
"before or
after Vladimir Putin."
"It is a prerequisite that, as a representative of
the country which had
the most citizens murdered at Auschwitz, I can speak
about historical
truth," Duda said.
Memory Wars
For decades,
one of the most painful aspect of Russia-Polish history was
the 1940
massacre of 22,000 Polish military officers and civilians at
Katyn Forest.
In 1990, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev admitted that it
was the Soviet
secret police who carried out the execution.
In recent years, Russian and
Polish historians had collaborated, in a
semiofficial capacity, in an
organization called the Polish-Russian
Group for Difficult Issues. The
academics published joint articles
examining different parts of the two
countries’ overlapping history.
But, said Slawomir Debski, a Polish
historian and head of the Polish
Institute of International Affairs, after
the 2014 Crimea annexation,
there was a shift in how Russia sought to
reinterpret 20th century history.
"The Russian side lost interest in any
historical dialogue whatsoever,"
Debski told RFE/RL.
In 2015, in an
interview in the Russian government newspaper Rossiskaya
Gazeta, Andrei
Artyzov, the head of the Russian State Archives,
deflected blame away from
Russia or the Soviet Union.
"The historical memory war is not our
choice," Artyzov told the
newspaper. "It was not us who started the
war."
Polish politics have also taken a more nationalistic turn, under
the Law
and Justice party, which won an outright parliamentary majority in
2015.
In 2018, Duda signed into law a measure that made it illegal to say
that
Poland was complicit during the Holocaust.
After an outcry from
the United States and the European Union, lawmakers
removed the criminal
penalties, instead calling for fines.
More recently, the Polish
parliament on January 9 passed a resolution
against what it called the
"manipulation of facts and a distortion of
history by Russian politicians
aimed at discrediting Poland and
worsening Polish-Russian
relations."
Top Russian lawmakers responded days later, asserting that it
was Poland
who was rewriting history.
On the anniversary of the Red
Army's liberation of Warsaw, on January
17, Russian officials held a
fireworks display over Moscow. Poland's
Foreign Ministry responded,
criticizing what it said were Moscow's
attempts at rewriting history and
calling on Russia to "accept its
difficult past."
"We respect
soldiers’ blood sacrifice in the fight vs Nazism, but in
1945 Stalin's
regime brought [Poland] terror, atrocities, and economic
exploitation,"
Poland's Embassy in Moscow said in a post on Twitter.
"The Red Army
liberated Warsaw from the Nazis, but did not bring freedom
to the
Poles!"
Lebedeva, who is renowned for her research on the Katyn killings,
said
she was shocked that Russian lawmakers in their speeches were making no
mention of the Katyn massacre, and others that occurred in 1940,
rhetorical attacks, she said, "which are not only directed against
Poland, but also, to a certain extent, are aimed at restoring the cult
of Stalin."
"Shouldn’t our country repent for these killings?" she
told RFE/RL.
Lebedeva said her opinions were her own and not that of her
employer,
the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of World
History.
"I think that this would be important not only for the
restoration of
historical truth, but so that in our country something like
the
repressions against our own and other peoples that [took place] during
Stalinist rule don’t reoccur," she said.
(5) German–Polish
Non-Aggression Pact of 1934 was abrogated by Hitler in
1938 when Poland was
his next target
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German–Polish_Non-Aggression_Pact
German–Polish
Non-Aggression Pact
The German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact was an
international treaty
between Nazi Germany and the Second Polish Republic
that was signed on
January 26, 1934. Both countries pledged to resolve their
problems by
bilateral negotiations and to forgo armed conflict for a period
of 10
years. The pact effectively normalised relations between Poland and
Germany, which had been strained by border disputes arising from the
territorial settlement in the Treaty of Versailles. Germany effectively
recognised Poland's borders and moved to end an economically-damaging
customs war between the two countries that had taken place over the
previous decade.
Before 1933, Poland had worried that some sort of
alliance would take
place between Germany and the Soviet Union to the
detriment of Poland.
Therefore, Poland made a military alliance with France.
Because the
Nazis and the Communists were bitter enemies of each other, a
hostile
Soviet-German alliance after Hitler came to power in 1933 seemed
very
unlikely.[1]
One of the most noted of Józef Pilsudski's foreign
policies was his
rumoured proposal to France to declare war on Germany after
Adolf Hitler
had come to power, in January 1933. Some historians speculate
that
Pilsudski may have sounded out France on the possibility of joint
military action against Germany, which had been openly rearming in
violation of the Versailles Treaty. France's refusal might have been one
of the reasons that Poland signed the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact.
[...]
Pilsudski used Hitler's rise to power and international
isolation of
Germany's new regime as an opportunity to reduce the risk that
Poland
would become the first victim of German aggression or of a Great
Power
deal (especially the Four Power Pact). Germany's new rulers seemed to
depart from the traditionally-Prussian anti-Polish orientation.
Pilsudski regarded the new chancellor as less dangerous than his
immediate predecessors, such as Gustav Stresemann, and he saw the Soviet
Union as the greater threat and even opposed French and Czechoslovak
efforts to include the Soviet Union in a common front against
Germany.
The Poles insisted on stating that it did not nullify any
previous
international agreements, in particular the Franco-Polish Military
Alliance. Nevertheless, by easing Poland's disputes with Germany
bilaterally, the treaty weakened France's diplomatic position against
Germany.
To allay any fears of a war against the Soviet Union, on May
5, 1934,
Poland renewed the Soviet–Polish Non-Aggression Pact, which had
been
first signed on July 25, 1932. It was extended until December 31, 1945,
ignoring Hitler’s repeated suggestion to form a German-Polish alliance
against the Soviets. [8]
Poland was able to maintain friendly
relations with Germany for the next
five years but also with France and
Britain. However, it may have also
led to foreign policy inattentiveness
regarding the activities of the
crumbling League of Nations and ignoring the
collective security schemes
proposed by French and Czechoslovakia in the
early 1930s. [...]
German policy changed drastically in late 1938, after
the annexation of
Sudetenland sealed the fate of Czechoslovakia, and Poland
became
Hitler's next target. In October 1938, German Foreign Minister
Joachim
Ribbentrop presented Poland with the proposition of renewing the
Pact in
exchange for allowing the Free City of Danzig to be annexed by
Germany
and the construction of an extraterritorial motorway and railway
through
the Polish Corridor, with Germany accepting Poland's postwar
borders.[11] Since Poland refused, Hitler rescinded the Pact
unilaterally on April 28, 1939,[12] during an address before the
Reichstag, as Germany renewed its territorial claims in Poland. After
another few months of rising tension, and following the execution of the
Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which
contained a secret protocol by which Hitler and Stalin agreed to divide
Poland between them, Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939,
initiating World War II.
This page was last edited on 1 January 2020,
at 11:41 (UTC).
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