728 Globalization is barbarous, multinationals rule world - Marine Le Pen

Globalization is barbarous, multinationals rule world - Marine Le Pen

Newsletter published on 3 January 2015

(1) Marine Le Pen, Patriot Extraordinaire - Brother Nathanael
(2) Marine Le Pen is unnerving the French establishment
(3) Marine Le Pen: I admire Putin's resistance to new Cold War being
waged by West
(4) Globalization is barbarous, multinationals rule world - Marine Le Pen
(5) French Jews caught between Islamic anti-Semitism & Le Pen's nationalism
(6) The French have committed National Suicide - Éric Zemmour
(7) France's Jewish Lobby sues Éric Zemmour over Race/Minorities issues
(8) 'No to TAFTA': French campaign against EU-US trade deal
(9) British anti-Semitism set to hit record high - Daily Telegraph
(10) Martin Webster letter on anti-Semitism, to Editor of Daily Telegraph

(1) Marine Le Pen, Patriot Extraordinaire - Brother Nathanael

    Brother Nathanael<bn@realjewnews.com> 1 January 2015 at 14:39

Marine Le Pen, Patriot Extraordinaire

by Brother Nathanael Kapner

January 1 , 2015

http://www.realjewnews.com/?p=993

“POLITICS IS THE ART of the possible, the attainable—the art of the next
best,” said Otto von Bismarck.

And when asked what was the greatest political fact of his time, he
replied, “the fact that North America speaks English.”

While the art of the possible was not part of St Joan of Arc’s range of
activity, (burned at the stake for her unwavering vision), in the case
of Marine Le Pen, (head of the ‘right wing’ Front National party), “the
art of the next best” appears to be her modus operandi.

Yet, at the same time, the greatest political fact of Le Pen’s time, is
the fact that France (and all of “Western Christendom”) is overrun by
mass immigration from countries with different cultures, habits, and
worldviews.

With this scenario at the forefront of Le Pen’s political climate, she
is no less unyielding than Joan of Arc. View Le Pen’s PlatformHere.

Besides the FACT that JEWS are the driving force behind mass immigration
flooding Western Christian lands, (in France, immigrants from Sub
Saharan countries), Le Pen sees her task as preserving France’s
“Christian Tradition” that has informed French culture.

While the Jew-run EU denies the central role of Christianity in Europe’s
formation, Marine Le Pen, in her quest to guard France’s national
identity, shaped largely by the Roman Catholic Church, is standing at
the threshold of power.

DIVIDE, THEN CONQUER

NOTORIOUS ‘ANTI-SEMITES,’ comedian Dieudonne and filmmaker Alain Soral,
announced their departure from Le Pen’s Front National last September.

Displeased with the “pro-Israel” stance of Le Pen’s adviser, Aymeric
Chauprade, the duo created their own party, Réconciliation Nationale,
where as co-presidents they’ll blend their distinctive trajectories.
View Video Here.

Dieudonne sees the party as a vehicle through which he can respond to
the “flunkies of the World Jewish Congress” which forced the government
to ban his shows.

Soral wants Réconciliation Nationale to counter Chauprade’s betrayal
(due to the sellout of French Muslim patriots that Soral enlisted) with
the same anti-Zionist zeal he wielded when chairing a seat on FN’s
central committee.

In Dieudonne’s popular video last October, he exposed Ron Lauder, the
president of the World Jewish Congress, as a spiritually bankrupt Jew:

“Lauder. Oh, the smell [he’s heir of Estée Lauder.] He’s a billionaire.
He buys paintings for millions like you buy a comic book. He puts it
over his fireplace, he looks at it and says ‘I’m happy’ and when the
fire runs low he throws it in the fire.” View Video & Story Here & Here.

Regarding the split, when it comes to French politics, (and it could be
strategic kabuki between the two and Le Pen), when push comes to shove,
they’ll likely kiss and make up.

The split could be that Réconciliation Nationale, while getting the
publicity in order to get its “anti-Semitic” anti-establishment message
out, will also be functioning as a political cul de sac channeling the
energies of the more volatile of the nationalists.

At the same time, the split helps polish Front National’s image of the
mainstream center-right party reformed under Marine Le Pen, securing a
wider appeal among the growing number of disenchanted voters from a wide
range of French society.

For with unemployment at new highs, Le Pen, twice as popular as
Hollande, could very well become the country’s next president.

DEFENDER OF FRANCE

LIKE JOAN OF ARC of old, Marine Le Pen is hailed and admired as
“defender of France,” and as France’s “only hope.”

She and her staff currently describe the National Front as “a party of
patriots.”

“We want to assert our right to national priority,” Le Pen says. “People
want to live like French people in France, not like Saudis or Qataris.”

On the fringes of political clout only two years ago, Le Pen has
propelled her party to power in twelve French towns, two seats in the
Senate, and top position in the EU parliament.

With her rising popularity, Le Pen is making the ‘establishment’ (Read:
JEWS) very nervous.

Leading the anti-Le Pen campaign, is Jewry’s European propaganda
machine, the European Jewish Press, headed by president of the European
Jewish Congress, Moshe Kantor.

Branding Front National as “extremist,” “far right,” “racist”—Jewish
buzzwords that should suggest to the keen observer that the targeted
object is doing something right—the Press warns all the (Jew-bought)
politicians that the NF’s platform is “dangerous” for Europe.

IT’S ALL ABOUT the Great Sanhedrin leading yet another who threatens
their influence to Pilate to be crucified.

“This is our Europe,” says Kantor. “As Jews, we know the dangers when a
society turns to nationalism.”

The “dangers” of nationalism for the international Jew, who has no
loyalty but to his own, is that a host country will turn to its
Christian roots and see the Jew for what he is: an alien force, a
parasite, and subverter of Christian unity.

That’s the bottom line. Le Pen is no fool. She knows what she needs to
do to engage a broader constituency.

But when she comes into her kingdom…no Jew can block her nationalist vision.

(2) Marine Le Pen is unnerving the French establishment

http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2014/12/gates-power-how-marine-le-pen-unnerving-french-establishment

At the gates of power: how Marine Le Pen is unnerving the French
establishment

Under her father, the Front National was the pariah party of  France.
Now Marine Le Pen has brought it closer to the mainstream – and people
are getting worried.

By Charles Bremner

New Stateman, 4 December, 2014

On a rainy November morning, dockers from Calais are firing flares in
protest against port job losses outside the regional council in Lille,
the capital of France’s old industrial north. Inside the plush chamber,
a tall, solidly built blonde woman in jeans and boots crooks a leg over
her knee and flicks through a news magazine. Marine Le Pen, leader of
the Front National, which has 18 council seats, has dropped in from a
day at the European Parliament in nearby Brussels, where the party has
23 MEPs. Le Pen looks bored as the councillors drone on about allocating
?1.1bn of EU money to help revive the bleak economy of Nord-Pas-de-Calais.

When her moment comes, she launches into a riff on the evils of the
Union. EU funds just reinforce the dictatorship of Brussels and
impoverish the downtrodden rural and small-town folk of the region, she
says. “I have to remind people ad nauseam that this is not European
money. It’s part of French taxpayers’ money that transits through
Brussels with the rest going to pay for central and eastern Europe.”
With that, the terror of the French political establishment picks up her
papers, closes her beige wool jacket and slips out to a car for the
drive back to Paris, missing the council’s splendid lunch. So it goes
for Le Pen as she tills the fertile electoral soil of the north as the
prelude to a run at the Élysée Palace in two years’ time.

France has been frightening itself with visions of a President Le Pen
since 2002 when Jean-Marie, Marine’s father and the founder of the
far-right Front, landed in the run-off for the presidency. He was
roundly defeated by Jacques Chirac when voters rallied in a “republican
front” to block the leader of a pariah party. Now, with his pugnacious
daughter in charge of the family firm, the prospects of an anti-Front
reflex are dimmer and Marine’s prospects look bright.

The country is in a foul mood. The sense of dispossession at the hands
of a hostile world is feeding contempt for la France d’en haut – the
governing caste. President François Hollande and his Parti Socialiste
(PS) have been disowned by many of their disappointed voters,
discredited by scandal and economic failure. Civil war is tearing apart
the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP), the centre-right opposition
whose leadership is about to be reclaimed by Nicolas Sarkozy, the former
president.

Marine Le Pen, 46, the youngest of the 86-year-old patriarch’s three
daughters, is gliding above this desolate landscape, a protective, Joan
of Arc-like warrior in the eyes of her followers. The blunt-spoken Le
Pen fille remains divisive. More than six out of ten people do not trust
her to run the country, according to an October poll. But she ranks as
one of France’s most popular politicians, with a 46 per cent approval
rating, after managing to shed much of the racist stigma that made her
father unelectable since she became the party’s leader in 2011. After
four decades as an uncivilised stain on the electoral landscape the
revamped Front is on the brink of the mainstream. As Manuel Valls, the
French prime minister, put it in a wake-up call to his bedraggled PS in
September: “The Front National is at the gates of power.”

In the spring, the “de-demonised” Front won the biggest score of any
party in the European elections and took control of a dozen electoral
areas, including the towns of Béziers and Fréjus and the seventh
arrondissement of Marseilles. It also won in Hénin-Beaumont, a run-down
rust-belt town 20 miles south of Lille, which has become the shop window
for Front administration and the base for Le Pen’s battle for the north.

Her plan goes like this. Under an Hollande reform, Nord-Pas-de-Calais,
one of the 22 regions of metropolitan France, is to be merged next year
with Picardy, creating a super-region of six million people under a
planned shrinkage to 13 new administrations. The Front has long been
popular in the north, which is at the top of its arc of strongholds
extending south-east through Alsace-Lorraine to the Mediterranean coast.
Le Pen won 23 per cent of the northern presidential vote in 2012 and
came just behind Sarkozy. With its new creed of defending the
dispossessed, the Front may manage to take Nord-Picardy in elections
late next year and that would put Le Pen within credible reach of the
Élysée in 2017.

This scenario is not wishful thinking. It was put to me by Le Pen’s
chief local adversary. Daniel Percheron, the Socialist who has presided
over the north for 14 years, thinks that Le Pen can win the super-region
despite her part-time presence. “From that moment, we will be facing a
presidential election of a new kind. She will have a new credibility, a
legitimacy that has never existed for the far right in France,”
Percheron said. A typical provincial baron, the 72-year-old senator
sighed as he acknowledged Le Pen’s skill at winning over his own
clientele. Old taboos against the far right have fallen, he said.
“Left-wing voters are crossing the red line because they think that
salvation from their plight is embodied by Madame Le Pen. They say ‘no’
to a world that seems hard, globalised, implacable. These are
working-class people, pensioners, office workers who say, ‘We don’t want
this capitalism and competition in a world where Europe is losing its
leadership.’ ”

Le Pen, whom I have interviewed several times, going back to 2003, is
amused by the left’s indignation over the way that she has broadened her
attraction, softening the anti-immigration rhetoric and adding Socialist
voters to the party’s hard-right faithful. When we last talked at
length, in November 2013 in Le Carré, the party’s seat in Nanterre, a
western suburb of Paris, she mentioned that Charles de Gaulle – whom she
admires – was accused of being both a fascist and a Bolshevik.

In her husky smoker’s voice (she quit tobacco two years ago and now
vapotes with electronic cigarettes) she said: “France is neither on the
right nor the left – it’s just France . . . I don’t have the feeling
that I tell patriots on the left different things from what I say to
patriots of the right.”

Physically imposing, caustic and never letting her guard drop, Le Pen is
an uncanny chip off the old granite block as she expounds her harsh,
France-first creed. The armour was already in place when I first visited
her 11 years ago. Back then, she was the party’s young legal counsel and
was being groomed by her father for leadership.

She became hardened early because, as a Le Pen, she was always an
outsider, she told me. She was the “daughter of the monster”, as she put
it, growing up in the comfort of Montretout, the mansion at Saint-Cloud
bequeathed to her Breton-born father by a party supporter in the late
1970s. When she was eight, a bomb had destroyed the family flat and she
had felt no sympathy from anyone. No one was arrested for the crime.

There were years of Jean-Marie’s constant absences, and humiliation as a
teenager when Pierrette, her mother, posed naked for Playboy. That was
an act of revenge in a feud with her husband after she walked out on
him, abandoning her daughters to set up home with a journalist. During
Marine’s twenties, there came the paternal banishment of Marie-Caroline,
the eldest of the three Le Pen daughters, after her husband defected to
Bruno Mégret, a Front lieutenant who mounted an abortive takeover of the
movement.

The wayward Marie-Caroline has never been accepted back into the fold
but Pierrette was given a home on the Montretout estate, in the same
complex as Marine, and until recently she helped take care of Marine’s
three teenage children.  Jean-Marie lives nearby with Jeanne-Marie
(“Jany”), his second wife.

Le Pen scoffs at talk of a dynasty but she is the heiress to the family
enterprise that sprang from the murky pool of nostalgists for Vichy
France and French Algeria that Jean-Marie, a former troublemaking MP and
paratrooper, hammered together in 1972.

And as Marine Le Pen enters middle age, a younger generation is now
emerging, in the shape of Marion Maréchal-Le Pen, 24, one of the Front’s
three MPs, who is the daughter of Yann, Marine’s second sister. Perky
and articulate beyond her years, Marion is already a star. She is said
to be closer to the patriarch than Marine because she shares her
grandfather’s uncompromising beliefs, opposing gay marriage, for
example, while Marine tolerates it.

Also helping keep power in the family is Louis Aliot, one of the party’s
five vice-presidents, Marine’s domestic partner – and her paid assistant
in the European Parliament. A rugby-playing lawyer and Front militant
from Toulouse, Aliot got together with Le Pen after she divorced, first
from Franck Chauffroy, a businessman, and then from Éric Lorio, a former
Front official and councillor in Nord-Pas-de-Calais.

The Front’s old guard dislike the way that she has “de-demonised” the
party, down to details such as banning leather jackets and requiring
blazers among the personnel. But Le Pen has imposed her authority since
her election as party leader nearly four years ago and scored well in
the 2012 presidential race. She has distanced herself from the father
who still admires the wartime occupation and she disowns him openly when
he reverts to the old sulphur, as he did this summer when he suggested
that disease was a remedy for African immigration to France. “Monsieur
Ebola can solve the problem in three months,” he said.

He has also taken issue with Marine’s plans for rebranding the party,
with the aim of dropping the “Front” label, which conjures up brown
shirts and stiff-armed salutes. “Only bankrupt companies change their
names. That would be betraying the militants who built the movement,”
Jean-Marie said this month.

Tension between father and daughter reached a peak in August after one
of his dogs killed Arthemys, her cat, on the Montretout estate. She
moved out with Aliot and her three children and they now live in a
closed community in nearby La Celle Saint-Cloud.

Yet Le Pen père, who continues to stir trouble as the honorary Front
president, is proud of the daughter whom he acknowledges neglecting as a
child. “Marine is more shy, less warm, less sentimental than me,
perhaps. She is my daughter all the same,” he told Serge Moati, a
documentary-maker. “People have tried to break the tie between Marine
and me but they don’t manage to.” His daughter has an independent mind
but she is refusing to “follow the rule of killing the father”, he added.

A Parisian bourgeoise, child of the 1980s, Le Pen defends her father,
though she has jettisoned his retro obsessions with the Second World
War, the colonies and race that have landed him multiple court
convictions for hate speech. On 20 November, the Paris Appeal Court
fined him ?5,000 for a pun it deemed a racist insult against the Roma.
He had said that, “like birds, they steal naturally”. The French for
steal (voler) is also the verb for “to fly”.

Yet, for all Marine Le Pen’s feminine stamp on dad’s nasty party,
hostility to immigration remains her stock-in-trade. She has merely
shifted the ground, focusing on radical Islam rather than race, lumping
together the Muslim immigrant presence and the assault on the nation
that is supposedly waged from Brussels by free trade. She says that
France is finally waking up to the ruin wreaked by immigration, the euro
and the removal of internal EU frontiers. The country needs to reclaim
its monetary and territorial sovereignty, she told me.

“Before the total opening of frontiers with the EU, France was a trading
nation and rather more so than today . . . From the moment that they put
in place the convergence criteria for the euro, our exports collapsed
and our imports collapsed. With control of our frontiers, we will just
be like 95 per cent of the countries of the world.”

This goes down well in milieux where people would never have
acknowledged sympathy for the old man. “Marine talks sense,” is a line
you hear in suburban cafés and workplaces whenever the conversation gets
around to la crise, the sense of decline that has hung over French life
for decades. Saying “I’m with Marine” is easier than voicing admiration
for the Front. Blurring lines, the daughter talks less of the Front than
her Rassemblement Bleu Marine – “the navy blue rally”, a flag under
which her candidates run in local election campaigns.

Middle-class sympathisers liken the FN movement to the US Republican Tea
Party, Nigel Farage’s UK Independence Party and the readership of the
Daily Mail, yet she is not there yet. The old stigma dies hard. Farage
has refused to ally his Ukip MEPs – the other big anti-EU bloc in
Strasbourg – with Le Pen’s because of what he calls the Front’s racist
DNA. The differences do not stop at the past. Le Pen’s lurch to
anti-capitalist populism is the opposite of Farage’s freebooting market
ideas. Les Anglo-Saxons are the adversary in the Le Pen universe, while
Putin’s Russia is her favoured model. If only France had a patriotic
leader who stood up for the nation like Vladimir, she says.

Farage’s rejection upsets Le Pen, but she makes no excuses for refusing
to conform to the more civilised manner that, to some, can make him seem
unthreatening. “I’ve had long talks with Nigel Farage,” she told me when
she was still courting him. “But his Ukip is a young movement which is
suffering the same strong demonisation that is applied to everyone that
opposes the EU. He is not tough enough yet to resist the demonisation.”

Le Pen’s task is to turn her insurgency into a machine that could
plausibly govern. She says she is ready to become prime minister in
“cohabitation” with Hollande if he dissolves parliament and the Front
wins a majority. She is alone among the party leaders in demanding
dissolution, which she says is needed because the most unpopular
administration in modern French history has lost public trust. She
voices admiration for David Cameron’s promise of an in-out referendum on
EU membership, and says that within six months a Prime Minister Le Pen
would hold a vote to tell Brussels (as she put it in an interview with
Europe 1 radio in October): “Either you reform and you give us back our
sovereignty and independence over the currency, or I will propose that
France leaves the Union.”

There is little chance of any such thing, given that Hollande has no
need to call elections that would be suicidal, and that the Front would
have little hope of winning because of the eliminating power of the
two-round electoral system and the party’s thin structure. It would need
to jump from three MPs to the 200 or so required to secure a working
majority. But Le Pen is out to remedy the weakness. Where Jean-Marie
never tried to move beyond a protest movement, she and her entourage in
Nanterre are weaving networks of activists, anointing candidates,
courting business leaders and senior civil servants and trying to win
respectability with the thinking classes.

The work at ground level is being waged by Front stars such as Steeve
Briois, a 42-year-old who triumphed in March in Hénin-Beaumont, Le Pen’s
northern perch, winning the mayoral seat in the first electoral round.
Few local people have a bad thing to say about Briois, who is greeted
with cheers when he wanders the streets of red-brick terraces and drops
in to the market square to chat like any French mayor.

“He’s a nice guy. La Fête de la Musique was great this year, thanks to
Steeve,” said Dorothée, a shopkeeper, referring to the popular Midsummer
Night party associated with the Socialists since the government invented
it in the 1980s.

To clean up the town’s finances, which had been run into the ground by a
sleaze-ridden PS council, Briois brought in as his deputy Jean-Richard
Sulzer, 67, a Paris University economist and veteran Front policymaker.
“It’s excellent being able to put our ideas into practice,” Sulzer told
me. “It shows people we can run a clean shop.”

A long-time oddity in the academic world because of his Front role,
Sulzer insisted that many colleagues are rallying to the cause. “A
substantial number of teachers are going to vote for the Front. They
won’t admit it. It’s a perfectly hidden vote but our network of
intellectuals is spreading rapidly,” he said.

The party’s chief asset on the intellectual side is Florian Philippot, a
33-year-old who hails from the civil service elite and who is, in
effect, Le Pen’s deputy. A disciple of de Gaulle – a figure abhorred by
Jean-Marie and the old guard – Philippot is shaping Le Pen’s new
doctrines of shoring up the welfare state and defending the poor.

The crossover from “brown to red” is vital for her fortunes. She is
doing an excellent job capturing les petits blancs – the dispossessed
white inhabitants of the suburbs and small towns – says Pascal Bruckner,
a star essayist from the post-1968 era. “The genius of the Front is the
way it has taken over the values abandoned by a left that converted to
multiculturalism,” he said on television recently. The Front is offering
old-fashioned certainties, a lurch back to the imagined golden age of
the mid-20th century. This was the era of the “Trente Glorieuses”, the
30 years of growth that are the stuff of fashionable nostalgia,
reflected in retro pop songs, comedies set in the 1960s and above all by
Le Suicide français, a new, bestselling rant against the evils of modern
France by Éric Zemmour, a right-wing essayist.

Le Pen is subliminally promising a return to this imagined golden age
that ran up to the mid-1970s. She is forecasting a surge to 3-4 per cent
economic growth simply from stopping immigration, slapping tariffs on
imports and leaving the euro. Her contempt for Sarkozy, Hollande and
what she calls the discredited political classes goes down well. “They
have failed. They are bankrupt,” she told a radio phone-in in
mid-November. “They didn’t react for decades when our sovereignty passed
into the hands of the European Union and we became a vast playground for
the multinationals.”

It is perhaps easy to be carried away by the spectre of President
Marine. As implausible as it seemed until lately, the big parties are
taking the prospect seriously. L’Express news magazine recently
published a cover report explaining “Why the worst is possible”. It
quoted Bernard Cazeneuve, the interior minister, saying that her victory
could no longer be excluded. It is expected that Le Pen will reach the
run-off for the presidency in 2017. A recent Ifop poll showed her
topping the vote or coming second to the UMP in a notional first-round
presidential vote. In all hypotheses, she would relegate Hollande or any
other Socialist to third place. Her most redoubtable adversary at the
moment would be Alain Juppé, the UMP elder statesman, a former prime
minister who is nearly 70. He is eclipsing Sarkozy’s attempted comeback,
according to Ifop.

Yet it is unlikely that Le Pen will be able to pull it off. Some calm
analysis comes from Jean-Yves Camus, an academic authority on the Front.
“If her opponent in the second round is Sarkozy, he wins the match
easily, and if it is Juppé or anyone else from the UMP, they will still
beat Marine Le Pen,” Camus told me. We are back to the matter of the
so-called anti-Le Pen Republican Front. “The question is, if a left-wing
candidate reaches the second round, will UMP voters back the Socialist
to block Le Pen?”

He thinks that, for all the sympathy on the right for Le Pen, they will
flinch from putting her in the palace. “They may back the Front locally,
but in a presidential election the question is whether it has the
capacity to run the country. The Front does not have the elite necessary
to take the controls of the state. It’s as simple as that.”

Le Pen has done a solid job harnessing the nation’s discontent, Camus
agrees. “But it’s not very difficult, given the toxic atmosphere that
reigns in French politics and the colossal errors being made by her
opponents. Marine Le Pen has only to stay in her armchair and watch the
news.”

Charles Bremner is Europe editor of the Times

(3) Marine Le Pen: I admire Putin's resistance to new Cold War being
waged by West

http://www.euronews.com/2014/12/01/le-pen-i-admire-cool-head-putin-s-resistance-to-west-s-new-cold-war/

Le Pen: I admire 'cool head' Putin's resistance to West's new Cold War

01/12/14 18:10 CET

She has been the leader of the anti-immigration, anti-EU Front Nationale
in France since 2011 and has just been unanimously re-elected by her
party at its annual conference. It won most French seats in the 2014
European elections and is poised to mount a serious challenge for the
presidency in 2017. Marine Le Pen spoke to Euronews' Sophie Desjardin.

SD: Marine Le Pen, the opinion polls continually have your party first
among the opposition. What do you think when you look at yourself in the
mirror in the morning?

MLP: I'm preparing the great democratic upset that's going to happen in
the next presidential election for sure. It's the aim of each one of us
in the Front Nationale to do our utmost to win power so we can pursue
our policies, not just to have power for itself, but to change the
situation in our country.

SD: When you started your career as a lawyer, you sometimes defended
foreigners who had no residency status. It seems you fought for their
right to stay in France. What became of that Marine Le Pen?

MLP: She's still here! What you have to understand is that we can
reasonably consider that a process is devastating for a country - which
is the case for immigration - without wanting to make those who weren't
responsible for the situation pay for the political choices of our
leaders. We have always said we've nothing against immigrants, but
rather those who made them come here.

SD: You talk about ending massive immigration, but, realistically, what
are you going to do with those undocumented people already here and
those who feel they have to come to Europe to save their lives?

MLP: But they can go home. I'm here to save the skin of the French
people. I do understand suffering, but I think first we have to tackle
the causes. I would take the same approach as the Pope, that is, lay the
situation at the door of the warmongers.

SD: But if tomorrow you're elected, you've told us you would stop all
that. You went to Lampedusa, you saw the distress of these people. It's
one thing to say 'stop the boats and send them home', but would you
drive the boat?

MLP: Have you been to Lampedusa?

SD: Yes.

MLP: You will have seen young people who come to work in Europe because
they have been led to believe that there was work in Europe. Because we
led them to believe that it was Eldorado. So, in a way, they are also
victims of lies as much as the French people who suffer the consequences
of this immigration, to whom we say 'could you make room because there
are people coming'. Well, no, we can't make room. We can't, because
there's no more room.

SD: Turning to Europe, and to put it simply, you want France out of the
eurozone and the EU. But if France alone were to leave the euro it would
be hugely complicated.

MLP: Listen, I wouldn't be so sure about that because the countries that
are outside the European Union are doing very well.

SD: But they were never in in the first place, that's the difference.

MLP: So the moment you join you're condemned to stay?

SD: No, but it's more difficult to get out. We don't know because
there's no precedent.

MLP: But that's because we're kind of guinea pigs in this experiment.
They're trying to impose a kind of Europe on us which is not at all the
one we were sold... and then afterwards they say 'Oops! we never thought
about how you could get out.' There's a kind of amateurism in not having
foreseen a process where one of the populations of the European Union
people would want to leave this European Union.

SD: What do you think of someone who criticises their company?

MLP: Well, that depends on the circumstances but if was done publicly,
that wouldn't be very loyal.Why?

SD: Well, what are you doing at the European Parliament, which
contributes so much to your income?

MLP: You're very kind, madam, but I am not an employee. OK? I am not an
employee of the European Union. I am an elected representative of the
people. Excuse me! Excuse me! I'm elected by my voters who strongly feel
that the Front Nationale must have a maximum of representatives to
protect them from the European Union.

SD: Are you ideologically close to Vladimir Putin?

MLP: I share at least a part of Vladimir Putin's economic vision. That's
for sure, but it didn't start yesterday. The Front Nationale has never
changed its position on this subject. We welcomed the arrival of a
government that did not serve the 'apparatchiks' ; and which developed a
patriotic economy.

SD: You've said you have a certain admiration for him as a person.

MLP: Yes. I admire his cool head. Because there is a cold war being
waged against him by the EU at the behest of United States, which is
defending its own interests. I admire that he has managed to restore
pride and contentment to a great nation that had been humiliated and
persecuted for 70 years. Simple as that. I think that there are things
you have to look on with a positive eye, or at least with an impartial eye .

SD: Well, just on the reasons behind those tensions, a small number of
countries have recognised the political situation in Crimea in relation
to Russia. What about you. do you approve of the annexation?

MLP: At the time that that referendum was organised there was no
legitimate power in Ukraine. It was an illegitimate power, a putsch.

SD: It was Viktor Yanukovich himself who left. No one forced him to go.
He fled.

MLP: Yes, with a knife at his throat. I think if he had stayed he would
have been eliminated. So, I think the referendum was organised in
conditions that were not so contestable and that the will of Crimea to
be part of Russia is not so contestable. The annexation to Ukraine was
against the will of Crimea."

SD: But Ukraine didn't steal Crimea. It was Khrushchev who gave Crimea
to Ukraine.

MLP: Yes, it was a gift. It was a gift, a gift. But I think Crimea would
never have returned to Russia if the EU had not moved to recognise a
government in Ukraine that was not, at the time, totally legitimate. The
EU committed a serious error. In as much as there are highly dubious
elements in this government, particularly a certain number of notorious
Nazis.

SD: They say that about your entourage also!

MLP: You're joking, I hope! When I talk about Nazis in Ukraine, I'm
talking about Nazis, Nazis, meaning Nazis with Nazi flags. But once
again history will prove us right! But it's alright, (sarcastically). I
see, (you think), that there are nice Nazis. When they're Ukrainian
they're 'nice' Nazis, not 'nasty' Nazis!

I've seen in the past governments condemned for brutalising their
people, for firing on them. But that one in Kyiv is bombarding its own
people, and no one is taking it to task.

SD: Are you for or against a coalition against the Islamic State?

MLP: Well, I'd first like to know if it would be effective. I'd like to
know who would be in this coalition. To be in a coalition with Qatar and
Saudi Arabia, that would make me fall out of my chair. Because they are
the countries who are financing Islamic fundamentalism. So to join a
coalition with those countries would be just crazy.

SD: So we should just leave it alone, the Islamic State?

MLP: No. I didn't say that. But first, do we have to stop ourselves from
going into Syria to fight them? We tell ourselves 'we can't do that
because that would help Bashar al Assad.'

SD: Even into Syria?

MLP: Of course, in Syria! But obviously with the agreement of the Syrian
government.

SD: So you defend national sovereignty in Syria but not in Ukraine?

MLP: But, Madam, in Ukraine no one has come in to force... once again...

SD (interrupts) In the same manner that some say they know Qatar aids
and militarily finances the Islamic State, we know who helps the
Ukrainian rebels.

MLP: When it's the Americans telling me that, please allow me to have my
doubts. Besides, I doubt everything the Americans say. Is that clear?
Whatever the Americans say say is questionable.

SD: Just to finish, give us a word, adjective to describe these four
personalities: François Hollande

MLP: Not so soft as he appears!

SD: Angela Merkel

MLP: An Iron Lady

SD: Jean Claude Juncker

MLP: A sanctified hypocrite

SD: Barack Obama

MLP: A disappointment

(4) Globalization is barbarous, multinationals rule world - Marine Le Pen

http://rt.com/news/212435-france-pen-globalization-barbarity/

Published time: December 08, 2014 15:33 Edited time: December 10, 2014 13:06

Globalization is a barbarity, believes Marine Le Pen, the leader of
France's far-right National Front party, adding that now the world is
now in hands of multinational corporations and large international finance.

"Globalization is a barbarity, it is the country which should limit its
abuses and regulate it [globalization]," Le Pen wrote on her Twitter
account.

The problems of multinational corporations and their worldwide influence
were also highlighted by France's far-right leader.

"Today the world is in the hands of multinational corporations and large
international finance," Le Pen said.

Immigration "weighs down on wages," while the minimum wage is now
becoming the maximum wage, said Le Pen, adding that now France is "dying
of physical, legal and fiscal insecurity."

Le Pen is a vocal critic of Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA), also
known as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), a
free trade agreement between the European Union and the United States.
France is now in the process of negotiations with the US on the
controversial deal.

People protest on October 11, 2014 against the Transatlantic Free Trade
Agreement (TAFTA) being negotiated between the European Commission and
the exploitation of shale gas in the center of the southwestern French
city of Narbonne (AFP Photo)

People protest on October 11, 2014 against the Transatlantic Free Trade
Agreement (TAFTA) being negotiated between the European Commission and
the exploitation of shale gas in the center of the southwestern French
city of Narbonne (AFP Photo)

France's far-right leader criticized the deal for a lack of transparency
in the talks.

In February she promised to send "numerous representatives to the
European Parliament will lead the battle against TTIP."

In France there are many critics of the agreement who say that the deal
would increase corporate power and make it more difficult for
governments to regulate markets for public benefit. Also, with the
majority of TTIP negotiations being held secretly, it's unclear to what
extent the EU's preferences have been met.

READ MORE: 'No to TAFTA': France celebs campaign against EU-US trade
deal, sign petition

TAFTA opponents also claim that the treaty will bring a big influx of
genetically modified foods from the US, such as hormone-treated beef and
genetically modified corn.

In November, reports emerged that France would not support the TTIP
between the EU and US as long as a controversial stipulation is included.

READ MORE: #NoTTIP: Mass protests slam US-EU trade deal as 'corporate
power grab'

It's not only people in France who oppose the deal. Demonstrations
against the deal have also taken place in Britain, Germany, Italy,
Spain, Greece, Netherlands, Poland, the Czech Republic and Scandinavia.

(5) French Jews caught between Islamic anti-Semitism & Le Pen's nationalism

Date: Thu, 01 Jan 2015 21:18:03 +0000
Subject: "Anti-Semitism is inherently genocidal, says expert"
(Jerusalem Post
  31/12/14)
From: Martin Webster <martinwebstir@virginmedia.com>

http://www.jpost.com/Diaspora/Anti-Semitism-is-inherently-genocidal-says-expert-386214
Jerusalem Post - Wednesday 31st December 2014  03:56

Anti-Semitism is inherently genocidal, says expert

by SAM SOKOL

Jew-hatred is by its very nature a violent phenomenon, a leading
anti-Semitism researcher told The Jerusalem Post during an interview on
Tuesday.

While forms of discrimination such as sexism and racism are “repugnant,”
both have a certain logic to them in that they express the desire to
“control and dominate a certain group of people, [while] the one thing
that distinguishes anti-Semitism from other forms of discrimination is
that it’s inherently genocidal,” Dr. Charles Ascher Small, director of
the Institute for the Study of Global Anti-Semitism and Policy, said,
speaking with the Post during a trip to Israel.

It is difficult to explain the persistence of anti-Semitism over the
millennia and across diverse nations and societies, but some common
denominators emerge, Small continued.

“It’s inherently genocidal, because when the dominant way of perceiving
reality was through the lens of religion, the Jews were the wrong
religion and they were blinded by evil for not accepting the Christian
notion of the messiah, so in order for the individual Jew to redeemed he
or she had to accept the Christian version of the messiah.

But, moreover, for the world to be redeemed, the Jew had to change,” he
said.

When people began to view reality through the lens of race, he
continued, “Jews were the wrong race and they were poisoning and making
impure the purity of the white Aryan race and for the race to be saved
they had to get rid of the Jew.”

In contemporary times, Israel, as the Jewish nation-state, has become a
stand-in for the Jew in this regard.

“Now people in governments in the Western world, in the United States
and Europe, say that for the world to be saved the stubborn Jew has to
change. Not only to they have to change to protect their own society,
but if only the stubborn Israelis would change jihadism and radical
Islam will dissipate.

The world will be saved.

And this is a very dangerous aspect of anti-Semitism that is
irrational,” Small asserted.

“World redemption will come when the Jew changes,” he said, summing up
the consistent element linking these three forms of anti-Semitism.

The researcher recalled a recent visit to France, whose Jewish community
has been plagued by attacks emanating from the country’s growing Muslim
minority and how things have changed since he lived there during the 1990s.

“Even I who research and engage in the issues of anti-Semitism
internationally was shocked by what is happening in France,” he said.

In Europe today the intellectual elites and the media have been silent
on the issue of growing threat of radical political Islam, he stated,
calling such discussions taboo.

“Once you start engaging in that you are dismissed as being right-wing
or neoconservative or Zionist and the like.”

Today in France and England you see “Islamists who are using the
rhetoric of anti-Semitism to promote their reactionary agenda so they
focus on the Jew and the Zionist and they dehumanize and delegitimize
Israel, the Zionist and the Jew [who] are making inroads into their
societies.”

Meanwhile, a backlash against this trend has fed the growing success of
right-wing nationalist movements, he said.

“The silence of the intellectuals and the media of record in defending
liberal values has created this vacuum in which the Right or the nascent
nationalist movement has begun to express itself with an anti-immigrant
sentiment,” he said. “There is anti-Semitism involved, but I would say
that the focus is anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim.”

This is “a reawakening of the majority that feels like it’s been
marginalized economically, politically and even culturally,” he said,
adding that he believes that he believes that far-right leader Marine Le
Pen will ride such sentiment to become president of France.

“You now have the bubbling of racist nationalist sentiment which
expresses a deep frustration and malaise about this crisis that Europe
is finding itself [in],” said Small.

(6) The French have committed National Suicide - Éric Zemmour

Date: Sun, 14 Dec 2014 07:54:09 +0900
Subject: The French Obsession With National Suicide - The New Yorker
From: chris lancenet <chrislancenet@gmail.com>

http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/french-obsession-national-suicide

The French Obsession With National Suicide

By Alexander Stille

December 11, 2014

There are few things the French find more annoying than what they call
“French bashing”—a term they use in English, despite their insistence on
finding French equivalents for foreign words. When Jean Tirole was
awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics, Prime Minister Manuel
Valls sent out a tweet of congratulations to “another Frenchman to the
heavens,” adding, “Quel pied-de-nez au french bashing!”—“What a thumb in
the nose to French bashing!”

And yet no one does French bashing more enthusiastically than the French
themselves. This fall, when Éric Zemmour, a political journalist and
columnist for Le Figaro, published “Le Suicide Français,” a pitiless
indictment of contemporary France—the book declares the country already
dead and buried—it rocketed to the top of the best-seller list.

“Le Suicide Français” expresses the anxieties of many in France who are
grappling with a series of real problems: high levels of unemployment,
economic stagnation, debates over the country’s place in a globalized
economy, and its struggles to integrate recent waves of immigrants. But
Zemmour addresses them by offering a wildly over-the-top broadside
condemnation of everything that has happened in the past fifty years,
such as birth control, abortion, student protests, sexual liberation,
women’s rights, gay rights, immigration from Africa, American consumer
capitalism, left-wing intellectualism, the European Union—forces that,
he writes, have conspired to sap the vitality and greatness of the
nation of Louis XIV, Napoleon, and General Charles de Gaulle. In
Zemmour’s view, both the traditional French left and right (really,
everyone but the French far right) have, through a mixture of blindness
and cowardice, allowed for the dismantling of a national edifice based
on paternal authority. It is highly revealing that Zemmour uses the term
“virilité,” or virility, some twenty-three times in his five-hundred
page book, suggesting a certain fixation.

The popular success of “Le Suicide Français” is in keeping with a
well-established tradition: it takes its place on a long shelf of books
that have declared the decline or death of France. As early as 1783, as
Sean M. Quinlan notes, in “The Great Nation in Decline,” the French
began to churn out tracts like one which laments that “a flagging, weak
and less vivacious generation has replaced, without succeeding, that
brilliant [Frankish] race, those men of combat and hunting, whose bodies
were more robust, cleaner and of greater height than those of today’s
civilized peoples.” The French defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, in
1871, set off a spate of self-flagellation, with writers decrying a
declining birth rate, an inferior education system, and moral
bankruptcy. Although nostalgists like Zemmour consider the late
nineteenth century a golden age, when France emerged as an imperial
power and a center of cultural greatness, his counterparts in that
period saw a cesspool of effeminacy and decline. One of the big books of
1892 was “Degeneration,” whose author, Max Nordau, was Hungarian but
lived most of his life in Paris. He excoriates Émile Zola and writes
that the Impressionists can only be understood in terms of “hysteria and
degeneracy.”

Zemmour describes France as an ostensibly prosperous society that is
“rotten from within”; wealth is a mask for inner decay. This is a
well-used trope in decline literature. In the eighteen-nineties, as
anti-Semitism gathered force during the Dreyfus affair, authors like
Édouard Drumont, with his newspaper La France Juive and his 1896 tract
“The Jews Against France,” saw signs of horrifying rot beneath the
glitter and wealth of the Belle Époque. “It gave us an appearance or an
illusion of revival and prosperity through financial movement, and it
profited from this by making France a prey upon which all the Jews of
the world fell,” he wrote. After the bloodbath of the First World War,
most French citizens justifiably felt as much a sense of defeat as of
victory; the period between the wars was marked by polarization and
recrimination. Louis-Ferdinand Céline wrote, in his 1932 novel, “Voyage
to the End of Night,” “Everything will crumble … everything is
crumbling.” And even the normally judicious Raymond Aron wrote, “I lived
through the thirties in the despair of French decline.… In essence,
France no longer existed. It existed only in the hatred of the French
for one another.”

The rapid capitulation of France when the Germans invaded, in 1940, bred
a new round of soul-searching, including the classic work “Strange
Defeat” by the great historian Marc Bloch. Zemmour denounces a 1990 law
that made Holocaust denial a punishable offense, as well as measures
that give individuals the right to sue if they feel that their
ethnicity, race, or religion has been insulted, seeing them as the
triumph of modern political correctness. But Zemmour ignores the purge
of pro-Fascist writers after the Second World War and the execution
(confirmed personally by his beloved General ge Gaulle) of the writer
Robert Brasillach for his anti-Semitic, pro-Vichy, and pro-Nazi writings
during the war. In fact, the anti-Fascists of the postwar period used
some of the same virilité—and anti-homosexual rhetoric—in insisting that
the French collaborators with Germany had “slept with the enemy” and
passively allowed the nation to be “penetrated.”

Zemmour’s book is cleverly done, mingling facts and perceptive insights
with wild leaps of logic, biting sarcasm, and ominous apocalyptic
rhetoric. His story begins with the Events of May, 1968, with France’s
student protesters trying to topple the de Gaulle government. They
failed, and de Gaulle won a massive election victory in June, but
Zemmour argues that their movement actually succeeded by infusing France
with a series of permissive, anti-national, individualistic,
anti-authoritarian, pleasure-seeking values that ironically opened the
door for what the protesters claimed to hate the most: American
consumerism. The following April, de Gaulle resigned and retired to
write his memoir; he died the next year.

By lining up his chapters in chronological order, Zemmour creates the
illusion of causality: the 1968 protests preceded de Gaulle’s death, and
therefore the students killed de Gaulle. In similar fashion, social
changes such as decolonization and legalized abortion came before the
current period of slow growth, and therefore killed France.

Perhaps the central theme of Zemmour’s argument is the death of the
father, the end of a traditional, hierarchical, authoritarian society in
which men were men, women were subordinate, gays were in the closet, and
France was a world power. In one passage, Zemmour obsesses about a court
decision (made by a close former associate of de Gaulle) allowing French
citizens to form private associations without government
authorization—what would seem to be a fairly normal democratic right,
but which Zemmour sees as another stab in the patriarchal back:

One forgets that the family was not conceived in the long night of
history as the privileged venue of love and private happiness, but the
institution that permitted the founding of a people, a society, a
nation.… The father had always been the obstacle to the happiness of
families from the beginning of time. Awful responsibilities of men. All
guilty. But it was not an angry feminist or a long-haired rebel who
placed virility on trial, but the august grey-haired minister of a
conservative majority.

There is an unsettling streak of misogyny running through the book, in
which the securing of elementary rights for women is presented as an
insidious emasculation. Zemmour bemoans the abrogation of old laws that
made it illegal for women to open bank accounts without their husband’s
permission. In another passage, he cites a popular film, “Elle Court,
Elle Court la Banlieue,” from 1973: “When the young bus driver slips a
concupiscent hand on a charming female backside, the young woman does
not sue for sexual harassment,” he writes. “Trust reigns.” That someone
would cite this scene as evidence of the harmony of gender relations
before feminism is both hilarious and disturbing.

Zemmour notes that everyone in the movie seems happy and excited about
moving to the suburbs. This is presented as proof that France’s policy
of housing its immigrants in geographical isolation outside of its major
cities has nothing to do with those communities’ failed integration into
the national life:

The happy suburb was not an illusion, it radiates joie de vivre in every
scene of the film … it is not the high-rise buildings, the cage-like
staircases, the absence of roads that provoke violence, gangs and
ghettoes; but the violence, the gangs, the drugs that have transformed
paradise into hell. It is not the structures that have forged the
environment; it’s the population—and the change in population—that has
made the environment.

In fact, “Le Suicide Français” reads at times like a manifesto for the
National Front, the right-wing party of Marine Le Pen, offering a series
of scapegoats for France’s troubles. It appeals to the seventy per cent
of French people who feel there are too many foreigners in France, and
to the sixty-two per cent who say they no longer feel as “at home” in
France as they once did.

Perhaps, like Zemmour, they see France as dead or dying. Before the
Second World War, France, with its raft of African and Asian colonies,
governed nearly ten per cent of the planet’s landmass. In 1950, Europe
accounted for twenty per cent of the world population, and today it
accounts for less than ten per cent. France’s G.D.P., while still the
seventh largest in the world, makes up only about 3.5 per cent of the
world economy. So, of course, France has lost power, vis-à-vis the rest
of the world. Zemmour seems to think that massive global changes—the
tripling of the world population, decolonization, the rise of China and
India—are things that France’s politicians could have and should have
resisted. But the sinister conspiracies and suicidal decisions that he
identifies at every turn are simply the products of the world changing,
sometimes for good, sometimes for ill.

France is no longer an empire, but it is a prosperous medium-sized
country with an extremely high standard of living. It is no longer the
world’s cultural center, but it has far more influence than most
societies. France remains among the top twenty countries by virtually
all measures of the World Bank’s Human Development Index. Life
expectancy in France has increased from fifty to nearly eighty-two years
in the past century, even as France’s global role has shrunk. Aging
population, declining birth rates, slower growth, a more skeptical
attitude toward authority, and greater gender equality—those are all
typical of advanced, post-industrial societies, not unique to France.
There are absurdities and excesses in our politically correct,
multicultural, gender-conscious world, but great advantages, too. Would
Zemmour really want to return to a world in which women couldn’t open
bank accounts without their husband’s permission, and homosexuals could
be arrested for sodomy? In an age of supposed decline, are the French
better or worse off?

(7) France's Jewish Lobby sues Éric Zemmour over Race/Minorities issues
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89ric_Zemmour

Éric Zemmour

Éric Zemmour (born August 31, 1958) is a French writer and political
journalist, born in Montreuil, Seine-Saint-Denis. Until 2009, he was a
reporter for Le Figaro and has since had a column in Figaro Magazine. [...]

Éric Zemmour was born in Montreuil (today in Seine-Saint-Denis) on
August 31, 1958, to an Algerian Jewish[2][3] family that came to
Metropolitan France during the Algerian War.[4] He identifies as a Jew
of Berber origin,[5] and above all as a French Jew. He grew up in Drancy
and later in the Paris district of Château Rouge.[6] The son of Roger
Zemmour, a paramedic, and his wife Lucette, a housewife,[6] he has said
he admires his mother and grandmother: his father was often absent, and
he was actually raised by women "who taught [him] to be a man."[...]

Comments on race [edit]

Éric Zemmour declared on Arte on November 13, 2008—while he was on the
show Paris/Berlin: the debate [35] hosted by Isabelle Giordano—that
blacks and whites belonged to two different races and that this
difference was discernable by skin color, without ranking them
hierarchically. He asserted that Melanesians and Antilleans belonged to
the same race. "If there is no such thing as race, there is no such
thing as intermixing." He continued, "The sacralization of race during
the Nazi period and earlier has been followed by the negation of race.
And to me, they're both equally ridiculous." [...]

Zemmour says he would like to put on trial the anti-racism of the
1980s,[41] which he considers, along with feminism, to be a
"bien-pensant cause" derived from the "milieu of French and Western
pseudo-elites" that the people will not follow in the least.[4] He says
that it was especially after having "read Pierre-André Taguieff," known
for his positions and work on the Nouvelle droite and anti-racism that
he "understood that anti-racist progressivism was the successor of
communism, with the same totalitarian methods developed by the Comintern
during the 1930s."[42] According to him, anti-racism is a tactic
initiated by François Mitterrand to make people forget the Left's turn
to economic liberalism in 1983. Anti-racism would be an ideology
implemented by former leftists who had had to give up their illusions.
With immigrants, these people had found a kind of alternative
revolutionary people.[4]

Proceedings for racial defamation and conviction for provocation to
racial discrimination [edit]

The International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA)
decided to launch legal proceedings against Éric Zemmour for his views
after the March 6, 2010, broadcast of Salut les Terriens presented by
Thierry Ardisson, where he promoted his book Mélancolie française. He
declared during the show that: "French people with an immigrant
background were profiled because most traffickers are blacks and
Arabs... it's a fact."[43] The same day, he assrted on France Ô that
employers "had the right to refuse Arabs or Blacks.".[44] The Club
Averroes[45] and the MRAP submitted the case to the conseil supérieur de
l'audiovisuel[46][47] after the legal proceedings brought by LICRA. Éric
Zemmour was supported by several people, including the founder of
Reporters Without Borders and journalist Robert Ménard.[...]

Anti-feminism and "gay ideology" [edit]

In Le Premier sexe,[66] he claims the existence of the "devirilization"
of society during the 20th century and asserts that women and
homosexuals have been used as a reserve army to satisfy modern
capitalism's need for consumers.[67] He accuses feminists of being
demagogues and verging into political correctness in denying or
rejecting the history of French society and psychological work of Freud:
"I note only that Freud is vehemently rejected today by all the
bien-pensants, feminists, and other activists for same-sex parents,
etc."[68] He believes that man is by nature a sexual predator who uses
violence.[69] In a parallel to this definition of virility as sexual
predation, he believes that certain eras defined the role of women
better than others.[70]

He believes the "gay ideology" to be one of the main means used to
invite "man to become a woman like the others," to adopt the behavior of
women.[25] In his book Petit Frère, a character ponders the place to be
given to homosexual individuals: "In every traditional society, founded
on shame and secrecy, respect for life, and the fear of death, "gays"
would have been stigmatized and isolated, like the lepers of old." The
author does not fail, afterwards, to explain that these are the views of
characters in a novel.

In a column in Le Monde, Caroline Fourest claimed that Zemmour's views
on feminism and the "gay ideology" "were worthy of the Club de
l'Horloge.".[71]

Publications [...]

Notes and references [edit]
1.^ (French) Zemmour et Naulleau : les snipers du PAF à l'antenne le 23
septembre
2.^ (French) Les Grandes Gueules, January 7, 2008, video : "I come from
North Africa. My ancestors were Berber Jews. ... They lived with the
Arabs for 1,000 years." [...]

This page was last modified on 19 November 2014 at 22:04.

(8) 'No to TAFTA': French campaign against EU-US trade deal

http://rt.com/news/172012-france-celebrities-protest-tafta/

'No to TAFTA': France celebs campaign against EU-US trade deal, sign
petition

Published time: July 11, 2014 12:26

One hundred French celebrities have launched a campaign against the
upcoming TAFTA deal between the US and Europe. The protesters say the
new treaty will lower economic standards and bring a large influx of GMO
products from the US.

The petition dubbed: "Everyone against TAFTA" started on June 10 and has
gathered over 5,500 signatures so far. Launched by well-known
performers, writers and political leaders in France, the petitionsays
that "the citizens of Europe are against the transatlantic treaty."

A Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA), also known as the Transatlantic
Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), is a proposed free trade
agreement between the European Union and the United States.

Negotiations on TAFTA are held in week-long cycles alternating between
the EU and the US. The sides hope to conclude their work in 2014 or 2015.

The leaked text of the proposed treaty, revealed in March 2014, proposes
creating "a better climate for the development of trade and investment."
It also allows free movement of business managers for temporary work
purposes in the countries that sign the agreement.

"These opaque negotiations are happening behind our back and the backs
of Europeans and North Americans," says the petition, "under the cover
of a hypothetical relaunch of economic growth, and these negotiations
are likely to lower our social, economic, health, cultural and
environmental standards."

Zones where people are against TAFTA (image from
https://www.collectifstoptafta.org)

Zones where people are against TAFTA (image from
https://www.collectifstoptafta.org)

"It's the reason we are calling on French and European members of
parliament to put pressure on EU members and the European Commission to
disrupt the negotiations," said the petition, which carried the slogans:
"No TAFTA zone", "Stop TAFTA "and " No to transatlantic treaty."

Among the signatories was Yannick Jadot, a member of the European
parliament and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Minister of Vocational Education in
France.

Comedian Christophe Alevêque, who was the first to sign the petition,
told French Le Parisien that the problem is that "humanity, the
environment, culture and social protections are second to the all mighty
market."

"It's these same merchants to whom we've given the keys to the house.
Now we're adding a few more keys to their ring. We have nothing left.
There must be a firewall, a little bit of control, to make sure humans
are a bit more at the center of our concerns."

Proponents say the agreement would result in multilateral economic
growth. They say the deal would lead to some $100 billion per year in
growth on both sides and will generate millions of new jobs.

However, critics say the agreement is not flawless as it may look like
it would increase corporate power and make it more difficult for
governments to regulate markets for public benefit. Also with the
majority of TTIP negotiations being held in secrecy, it's unclear to
what extent the EU's preferences have been met.

TAFTA opponents also claim that the treaty will bring a big influx of
genetically modified foods from the US, like hormone-treated beef and
genetically modified corn.

EU fear of GM food from US hampers historic trade deal

According to GeneWatch UK director, Helen Wallace, Monsanto and other GM
companies were "desperate to push their GM crops into other countries
before the devastating impacts on wildlife and farming destroy existing
markets," reported local publication Farmers Weekly.

(9) British anti-Semitism set to hit record high - Daily Telegraph

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/religion/11301583/British-anti-Semitism-set-to-hit-record-high.html

British anti-Semitism set to hit record high

The number of attacks on Jews is expected to be higher in 2014 than in
any year since 1984

By Rosa Silverman

5:00PM GMT 29 Dec 2014

The number of anti-Semitic attacks in the UK in 2014 is set to be the
highest recorded in the past three decades, figures for the year suggest.

The record number of incidents includes everything from violent assaults
to verbal abuse, hate-mail and attacks on social media.

The exact figures will not be released until February 2015 but the
number is likely to exceed 1,000.

Previously the highest number of anti-Semitic incidents recorded in
Britain in a single year in the recent past was 931 in 2009.

The Community Security Trust (CST), a charity that monitors
anti-Semitism in Britain, expects the total for 2014 to be the highest
since it started collating the figures in 1984.

The above average annual total follows a record monthly number of
anti-Semitic hate incidents in the UK in July in response to the
conflict in Gaza.

The CST recorded 302 anti-Semitic incidents in July 2014, a rise of more
than 400% from the 59 incidents recorded in July 2013.

Jewish organisations said any such incidents were unacceptable and could
not just be attributed to events in the Middle East.

Vivian Wineman, president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews,
said: "The sharp increase in anti-Semitic incidents over the summer may
have been occasioned by events in Gaza but much of the behaviour was
pure anti-Semitism and had nothing to do with the Middle East.

“Such behaviour is totally unacceptable.

"We live in a tolerant society with a government and all political
parties committed to fighting prejudice and anti-Semitism, but we cannot
afford to be complacent.

“As Lord Sacks [the former Chief Rabbi] says, ‘anti-Semitism is a light
sleeper’."

(10) Martin Webster letter on anti-Semitism, to Editor of Daily Telegraph

Date: Tue, 30 Dec 2014 18:20:14 +0000
Subject: “British anti-Semitism reaches ‘record’ levels” - Daily Telegraph
  30/12-14
From: Martin Webster <martinwebstir@virginmedia.com>

From: Martin Webster
<<martinwebstir@virginmedia.com>martinwebstir@virginmedia.com>
Date: Tuesday, 30 December 2014 17:09
To: The Editor Daily Telegraph
<<dtletters@telegraph.co.uk>dtletters@telegraph.co.uk>
Subject: Community Security Trust

Sir:

Anybody who did not know any different would think from your 30th
December report (“British anti-Semitism reaches ‘record’ levels”) that
the Community Security Trust, which you described as “the charity that
monitors anti-Semitism in Britain” is some kind of impartial information
source such as the Meteorological Office.

It is in fact a political “security” organisation formed in 1996 at the
initiative of the Board of Deputies of British Jews (also “a charity”)
which describes itself as “The Representative Body of British Jewry”.
Among the the Board’s stated objectives is to “....advance Israel’s
security, welfare and standing”. The CST echoes that objective.

The CST’s figures on “anti-Semitism” are padded-out with reports of
school-childrens’ name-calling and other such trivia. The English had to
put up with a lot worse from the Scots during the course of the recent
Scottish independence referendum.

Israel-supporting organisations such as the Board of Deputies and the
CST inflate reports about “anti-Semitism” as a way of trying to
counteract the growing sense of revulsion for Israel following its
genocidal blitz on Palestinian civilians in Gaza and its ethnic
cleansing of Palestinians on the West Bank — activities which are
supported by 90%+ of British Jewry.

This Zionist public relations campaign to drown the voices of critics of
Israel by a co-ordinated chorus of “anti-Semitism!” allegations was
manifested by Danny Cohen, boss of BBC TV, in an interview with Israel’s
Channel 2 TV in Jerusalem earlier this month. He said: ““I’ve never felt
so uncomfortable being a Jew in the UK as I’ve felt in the last 12
months. And it’s made me think....is it our long-term home?”

If Israel and Zionist-Jewry in Britain want a cessation of bad things
being said about them, then they must stop doing — or supporting —
monstrous things.

Yours faithfully,

Martin Webster.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Martin Webster
London SW15.