Israel-Saudi alliance sustains Sunni militants, Al-Qaeda & Islamic State
- Robert Parry
Newsletter published on 3 April 2015
(1) Israel-Saudi alliance sustains Sunni militants,
Al-Qaeda & Islamic
State - Robert Parry
(2) Yemen: "When the Israelis
and Arabs are on the same page, people
should pay attention" -Israeli
Ambassador Ron Dermer
(3) Yemen: Houthis ally with former president Saleh,
who was ousted in
"Arab Spring"; Saudis installed Hadi
(4) Saleh branded
"Yemen's Wily Puppet Master"
(5) Former Yemeni President Saleh: The Arab
Spring was a Zionist-Western
Conspiracy
(6) US backs Saudi airstrikes
against Houthis in Yemen
(1) Israel-Saudi alliance sustains Sunni
militants, Al-Qaeda & Islamic
State - Robert Parry
From:
"Sadanand, Nanjundiah (Physics and Engineering Physics)"
<sadanand@mail.ccsu.edu>
Date:
Wed, 1 Apr 2015 10:48:34 -0400
The Transformational Israeli-Saudi
Alliance
By Robert Parry, Consortium News, 31 March 2015
The
tangle of conflicts in the Middle East is confusing to many
Americans who
lack some key facts, such as the transformational
Israeli-Saudi alliance
that is dragging the American people into a
sectarian religious war dating
back 1,300 years, as Robert Parry explains.
Few Americans seem to
comprehend what is unfolding in the Middle East –
with the latest conflict
involving Saudi airstrikes against the Houthi
rebels who now control Yemen’s
capital of Sanaa. In this swirl of
regional wars, it’s often not clear where
the U.S. government stands and
how American interests are
affected.
The reason for the confusion is simple: Many key pundits who
get to
explain what’s going on from the op-ed pages of the major U.S.
newspapers and from the TV talk shows prefer that the American people
don’t fully grasp what’s happening. Otherwise, the people might realize
the dangers ahead and demand substantial changes in U.S. government
policies.
But a few basic points can help decipher the confusion:
Perhaps the most
important is that – although it’s rarely acknowledged in
the mainstream
U.S. media – Israel is now allied with Saudi Arabia and other
Sunni
Persian Gulf states, which are, in turn, supporting Sunni militants in
Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. Sometimes directly, sometimes
indirectly, this Israel-Saudi bloc sustains Al-Qaeda and, to a somewhat
lesser degree, the Islamic State.
The U.S. news media is loath to
note these strange Israeli bedfellows,
but there’s a twisted logic to the
Israeli-Saudi connection. Both Israel
and the Saudi bloc have identified
Shiite-ruled Iran as their chief
regional adversary and thus are supporting
proxy wars against perceived
Iranian allies in Syria and now Yemen. The
Syrian government and the
Houthi rebels in Yemen are led by adherents to
offshoots of Shiite
Islam, so they are the “enemy.”
The schism
between Sunni and Shiite Islam dates back to 632, to the
secession struggle
after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. The dispute
led to the Battle of
Karbala where Hussein ibn Ali was captured and
beheaded in 680, an event
that gave rise to Shiite Islam as a rival to
Sunni Islam, which today has
both moderate and extremist forms with
Saudi Arabia sponsoring the
ultra-fundamentalist Wahhabism.
The extremist Wahhabism has inspired some
of the most radical Sunni
movements, including Al-Qaeda and now the Islamic
State, along with
their practice of suicide attacks as a form of martyrdom
that has become
a staple of these groups’ anti-Western jihad.
In
other words, what has most outraged Americans has been the behavior
of these
Sunni extremists, from Al-Qaeda’s 9/11 attacks to the Islamic
State’s
beheading of helpless hostages and religious minorities in Syria
and
elsewhere. And, the principal backer of this Sunni extremism has
been Saudi
Arabia where wealthy prince-playboys buy leniency for their
licentious
behavior from the religious ulema (or leaders) by financing
the extreme
Wahhabi teachings. [See Consortiumnews.com’s
“<https://consortiumnews.com/2015/03/11/the-secret-saudi-ties-to-terrorism/>The
Secret Saudi Ties to Terrorism.”]
Confusing the American
People
The West has had grievances with elements of the Shiite world,
too, such
as the seizure of U.S. Embassy hostages in Iran in 1979 and
excessive
violence by the Syrian military against opposition forces in 2011.
But
the most intense American anger has been provoked by the actions of
Sunni fundamentalists involving mass murder of innocents.
Yet, over
the years, the U.S. government has exploited the general lack
of knowledge
among Americans about the intricacies of Middle East
religions and politics
by funneling the anger against one group to
rationalize actions against
another.
For instance, in 2003, as revenge for the 9/11 slaughter of
3,000
Americans – carried out primarily by Saudi extremists under the
leadership of Saudi Osama bin Laden – President George W. Bush shielded
the Saudis from blame and ordered the invasion of Iraq to oust Saddam
Hussein, a secular Sunni dictator who was a fierce opponent of Al-Qaeda
and other religious fanatics.
Ironically, that war put Shiites in
power in Baghdad, turned Iraq’s
Sunnis into a persecuted minority, and
created fertile ground for a
particularly virulent strain of Al-Qaeda to
take root under the
leadership of Jordanian terrorist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
That group
became “Al-Qaeda in Iraq,” later morphing into “the Islamic State
of
Iraq and Syria” and finally into “the Islamic State,” with its own
twisted branches reaching out across the Middle East and Africa to
justify more provocative slaughter of Westerners and
“non-believers.”
While on the surface, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab
Emirates and other
Persian Gulf states repudiate this violent extremism,
some of their
oil-rich princes and intelligence services have provided
covert support
to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State to advance the cause of
breaking the
“Shiite crescent” – from Tehran through Baghdad and Damascus to
Beirut.
In seeking to smash this “Shiite crescent,” these Sunni-ruled
states
have been joined by Israel, which has taken the position that Iran
and
its Shiite allies are more dangerous than the Sunni extremists, thus
transforming Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State into the “lesser
evils.”
This was the subtext of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s
address to Congress on March 3 – that the U.S. government should
shift
its focus from fighting Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State to fighting
Iran.
One of the hit lines of Netanyahu’s speech was when he told a
cheering
Congress that the United States should not collaborate with Iran
just
because it was the most effective counterforce to the bloodthirsty
ISIS.
Or as he put it, “So when it comes to Iran and ISIS, the enemy of your
enemy is your enemy.”
But Netanyahu was soft-pedaling his real
message, which was that ISIS
with its “butcher knives, captured weapons and
YouTube” was a minor
annoyance compared to Iran, which he accused of
“gobbling up the
nations” of the Middle East. To the applause of Congress,
he claimed
“Iran now dominates four Arab capitals, Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut
and
Sanaa. And if Iran’s aggression is left unchecked, more will surely
follow.”
His choice of capitals was peculiar because Iran took none of
those
capitals by force and, indeed, was simply supporting the embattled
government of Syria and was allied with elements of the government of
Lebanon. As for Iraq, Iran’s allies were installed not by Iran but by
President George W. Bush via the U.S. invasion. And, in Yemen, a
long-festering sectarian conflict has led to the capture of Sanaa by
Houthi rebels who deny that they are supported by Iran (although Iran
may have provided some limited help).
Amid the wild and inchoate
cheering by Republicans and many Democrats,
Netanyahu continued: “We must
all stand together to stop Iran’s march of
conquest, subjugation and
terror.” But, in reality, there has been no
“march of conquest.” There have
been no images of Iranian armies on the
march or a single case of Iranian
forces crossing a border against the
will of a government.
Cheering
the Propaganda
Netanyahu’s oration was just another example of his
skillful (but
dishonest) propaganda – and the groveling behavior of the U.S.
Congress
when in the presence of an Israeli leader.
Among the many
facts that Netanyahu left out was Israel’s historically
close ties to Iran
even during the reign of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini
in the 1980s when the
Israelis served as a key Iranian arms supplier
after the Saudi-backed Iraqi
invasion of Iran. Only after that
eight-year-long war ended – and Iran’s
treasury was depleted – did
Israel shift away from Iran and toward the
oil-rich Saudis.
Regarding the Syrian civil war, senior Israelis have
made clear they
would prefer Sunni extremists to prevail over President
Assad, who is an
Alawite, a branch of Shiite Islam. Assad’s relatively
secular government
is seen as the protector of Shiites, Christians and other
minorities who
fear the vengeful brutality of the Sunni jihadists who now
dominate the
anti-Assad rebels.
In one of the most explicit
expressions of Israel’s views, its
Ambassador to the United States Michael
Oren, then a close adviser to
Netanyahu, told the Jerusalem Post in
September 2013 that Israel favored
the Sunni extremists over
Assad.
“The greatest danger to Israel is by the strategic arc that
extends from
Tehran, to Damascus to Beirut. And we saw the Assad regime as
the
keystone in that arc,” Oren told the Jerusalem Post in
<http://www.jpost.com/Syria-Crisis/Oren-Jerusalem-has-wanted-Assad-ousted-since-the-outbreak-of-the-Syrian-civil-war-326328>
an interview. “We always wanted Bashar Assad to go, we always preferred
the bad guys who weren’t backed by Iran to the bad guys who were backed
by Iran.” He said this was the case even if the “bad guys” were
affiliated with Al-Qaeda.
And, if you might have thought that Oren
had misspoken, he reiterated
his position in June 2014 at an Aspen Institute
conference. Then,
speaking as a former ambassador, Oren
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EgBsTT0h_SA>
said Israel would even
prefer a victory by the Islamic State, which was
massacring captured
Iraqi soldiers and beheading Westerners, than the
continuation of the
Iranian-backed Assad in Syria.
“From Israel’s
perspective, if there’s got to be an evil that’s got to
prevail, let the
Sunni evil prevail,” Oren said.
Israel’s preference has extended into a
tacit alliance with Al-Qaeda’s
Nusra Front in Syria, with which the Israelis
have essentially a
non-aggression pact, even caring for Nusra fighters in
Israeli hospitals
and mounting lethal air attacks against Lebanese and
Iranian advisers to
the Syrian military.
A Powerful
Alliance
Over the past decade, the Israelis and the Saudis have built a
powerful
alliance, a relationship that has operated mostly behind the
curtains.
They combined their assets to create what amounted to a new
superpower
in the Middle East, one that could project its power mostly via
the
manipulation of U.S. policymakers and opinion leaders – and thus
deployment of the U.S. military.
Israel possesses extraordinary
political and media influence inside the
United States – and Saudi Arabia
wields its oil and financial resources
to keep American officialdom in line.
Together, the Israeli-Saudi bloc
now controls virtually the entire
Republican Party, which holds
majorities in both chambers of Congress, and
dominates most mainstream
Democrats as well.
Reflecting the interests
of the Israeli-Saudi bloc, American neocons
have advocated U.S. bombing
against both the Syrian and Iranian
governments in pursuit of “regime
change” in those two countries.
Prominent neocons, such as John Bolton and
Joshua Muravchik, have gone
to the pages of the New York Times and
Washington Post to openly
advocate U.S. bombing campaigns against Iran. [See
Consortiumnews.com’s
“<https://consortiumnews.com/2015/03/28/nyt-publishes-call-to-bomb-iran/>NYT
Publishes Call to Bomb Iran.”]
But the problem with this
Israeli-Saudi strategy for the American people
is that the only viable
military alternatives to the Assad government in
Syria are Al-Qaeda’s Nusra
Front and the even more brutal Islamic State.
So if Israel, Saudi Arabia and
the neocons succeed in ousting Assad, the
likely result would be the black
flags of Al-Qaeda or the Islamic State
flying over Damascus.
That
would likely mean major atrocities, including executions of
Christians and
other religious minorities, as well as terrorist plots
mounted against
Europe and the United States. An Al-Qaeda or Islamic
State conquest of
Damascus would likely force any U.S. president to
invade Syria at enormous
costs in blood and treasure, albeit with little
hope of achieving any
long-term success.
Such a U.S. intervention might very well mean the end
of the United
States as a viable democratic society – to the extent that one
exists
today. A full-scale transformation into a militaristic state would be
required to sustain this open-ended conflict, channeling national wealth
into endless warfare and requiring the repression of anti-war sentiments
at home.
So, what is at stake for the American Republic is
essentially
existential, whether the constitutional structure that began in
1789
will continue or will disappear. Politicians, who say they love the
Constitution but follow Netanyahu into this dead-end for the Republic,
are speaking out of both sides of their mouths.
(2) Yemen: "When the
Israelis and Arabs are on the same page, people
should pay attention"
-Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer
From: "Ken Freeland diogenesquest@gmail.com
[shamireaders]"
<shamireaders@yahoogroups.com>
Date:
Mon, 30 Mar 2015 11:49:38 -0500
Subject: [shamireaders] Fwd: The geopolitics
behind the war in Yemen
The Geopolitics Behind the War in Yemen
By
Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya
March 29, 2015
http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2015/03/30/the-geopolitics-behind-the-war-in-yemen-i.html
The
United States and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia became very uneasy
when the
Yemenese or Yemenite movement of the Houthi or Ansarallah
(meaning the
supporters of God in Arabic) gained control of Yemen’s
capital, Sanaa/Sana,
in September 2014. The US-supported Yemenite
President Abd-Rabbuh Mansour
Al-Hadi was humiliatingly forced to share
power with the Houthis and the
coalition of northern Yemenese tribes
that had helped them enter Sana.
Al-Hadi declared that negotiations for
a Yemeni national unity government
would take place and his allies the
US and Saudi Arabia tried to use a new
national dialogue and mediated
talks to co-opt and pacify the
Houthis.
The truth has been turned on its head about the war in Yemen.
The war
and ousting of President Abd-Rabbuh Mansour Al-Hadi in Yemen are not
the
results of «Houthi coup» in Yemen. It is the opposite. Al-Hadi was
ousted, because with Saudi and US support he tried to backtrack on the
power sharing agreements he had made and return Yemen to authoritarian
rule. The ousting of President Al-Hadi by the Houthis and their
political allies was an unexpected reaction to the takeover Al-Hadi was
planning with Washington and the House of Saudi.
The Houthis and
their allies represent a diverse cross-section of Yemeni
society and the
majority of Yemenites. The Houthi movement’s domestic
alliance against
Al-Hadi includes Shiite Muslims and Sunni Muslims
alike. The US and House of
Saud never thought that they Houthis would
assert themselves by removing
Al-Hadi from power, but this reaction had
been a decade in the making. With
the House of Saud, Al-Hadi had been
involved in the persecution of the
Houthis and the manipulation of
tribal politics in Yemen even before he
became president. When he became
Yemeni president he dragged his feet and
was working against the
implement the arrangements that had been arranged
through consensus and
negotiations in Yemen’s National Dialogue, which
convened after Ali
Abdullah Saleh was forced to hand over his powers in
2011.
Coup or Counter-Coup: What Happened in Yemen?
At first, when
they took over Sana in late-2014, the Houthis rejected
Al-Hadi’s proposals
and his new offers for a formal power sharing
agreement, calling him a
morally bankrupt figure that had actually been
reneging previous promises of
sharing political power. At that point,
President Al-Hadi’s pandering to
Washington and the House of Saud had
made him deeply unpopular in Yemen with
the majority of the population.
Two months later, on November 8, President
Al-Hadi’s own party, the
Yemenite General People’s Congress, would eject
Al-Hadi as its leader too.
The Houthis eventually detained President
Al-Hadi and seized the
presidential palace and other Yemeni government
buildings on January 20.
With popular support, a little over two weeks
later, the Houthis
formally formed a Yemense transitional government on
February 6. Al-Hadi
was forced to resign. The Houthis declared that Al-Hadi,
the US, and
Saudi Arabia were planning on devastating Yemen on February
26.
Al-Hadi’s resignation was a setback for US foreign policy. It
resulted
in a military and operational retreat for the CIA and the Pentagon,
which were forced to remove US military personnel and intelligence
operatives from Yemen. The Los Angeles Times reported on March 25,
citing US officials, that the Houthis had got their hands on numerous
secret documents when the seized the Yemeni National Security Bureau,
which was working closely with the CIA, that compromised Washington’s
operations in Yemen.
Al-Hadi fled the Yemeni capital Sana to Aden n
February 21 and declared
it the temporary capital of Yemen on March 7. The
US, France, Turkey,
and their Western European allies closed their
embassies. Soon
afterwards, in what was probably a coordinated move with the
US, Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates all
relocated the embassies to Aden from Sana. Al-Hadi rescinded his letter
of resignation as president and declared that he was forming a
government-in-exile.
The Houthis and their political allies refused
to fall into line with
the demands of the US and Saudi Arabia, which were
being articulated
through Al-Hadi in Aden and by an increasingly hysteric
Riyadh. As a
result, Al-Hadi’s foreign minister, Riyadh Yaseen, called for
Saudi
Arabia and the Arab petro-sheikdoms to militarily intervene to prevent
the Houthis from getting control of Yemen’s airspace on March 23. Yaseen
told the Saudi mouthpiece Al-Sharg Al-Awsa that a bombing campaign was
needed and that a no-fly zone had to be imposed over Yemen.
The
Houthis realized that a military struggle was going to begin. This
is why
the Houthis and their allies in the Yemenite military rushed to
control as
many Yemeni military airfields and airbases, such as Al-Anad,
as quickly as
possible. They rushed to neutralize Al-Hadi and entered
Aden on March
25.
By the time the Houthis and their allies entered Aden, Al-Hadi had
fled
the Yemeni port city. Al-Hadi would resurface in Saudi Arabia when the
House of Saud started attacking Yemen on March 26. From Saudi Arabia,
Abd-Rabbuh Mansour Al-Hadi would then fly to Egypt for a meeting of the
Arab League to legitimize the war on Yemen.
Yemen and the Changing
Strategic Equation in the Middle East
The Houthi takeover of Sana took
place in the same timeframe as a series
of success or regional victories for
Iran, Hezbollah, Syria and the
Resistance Bloc that they and other local
actors form collectively. In
Syria, the Syrian government managed to
entrench its position while in
Iraq the ISIL/ISIS/Daesh movement was being
pushed back by Iraq with the
noticeable help of Iran and local Iraqi
militias allied to Tehran.
The strategic equation in the Middle East
began to shift as it became
clear that Iran was becoming central to its
security architecture and
stability. The House of Saud and Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu began to whimper and complain that Iran was in
control of four
regional capitals—Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad, and Sana - and
that
something had to be done to stop Iranian expansion. As a result of the
new strategic equation, the Israelis and the House of Saud became
perfectly strategically aligned with the objective of neutralizing Iran
and its regional allies. «When the Israelis and Arabs are on the same
page, people should pay attention», Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer told
Fox News about the alignment of Israel and Saudi Arabia on March
5.
The Israeli and Saudi fear mongering has not worked. According to
Gallup
poll, only 9% of US citizens viewed Iran as a greatest enemy of the
US
at the time that Netanyahu arrived t Washington to speak against a deal
between the US and Iran.
The Geo-Strategic Objectives of the US and
Saudis Behind the War in Yemen
While the House of Saudi has long
considered Yemen a subordinate
province of some sorts and as a part of
Riyadh’s sphere of influence,
the US wants to make sure that it could
control the Bab Al-Mandeb, the
Gulf of Aden, and the Socotra Islands. The
Bab Al-Mandeb it is an
important strategic chokepoint for international
maritime trade and
energy shipments that connects the Persian Gulf via the
Indian Ocean
with the Mediterranean Sea via the Red Sea. It is just as
important as
the Suez Canal for the maritime shipping lanes and trade
between Africa,
Asia, and Europe.
Israel was also concerned, because
control of Yemen could cut off
Israel’s access to Indian Ocean via the Red
Sea and prevent its
submarines from easily deploying to the Persian Gulf to
threaten Iran.
This is why control of Yemen was actually one of Netanyahu’s
talking
points on Capitol Hill when he spoke to the US Congress about Iran
on
March 3 in what the New York Times of all publications billed as «Mr.
Netanyahu’s Unconvincing Speech to Congress» on March 4.
Saudi Arabia
was visibly afraid that Yemen could become formally align
to Iran and that
the evens there could result in new rebellions in the
Arabian Peninsula
against the House of Saud. The US was just as much
concerned about this too,
but was also thinking in terms of global
rivalries. Preventing Iran, Russia,
or China from having a strategic
foothold in Yemen, as a means of preventing
other powers from
overlooking the Gulf of Aden and positioning themselves at
the Bab
Al-Mandeb, was a major US concern.
Added to the geopolitical
importance of Yemen in overseeing strategic
maritime corridors is its
military’s missile arsenal. Yemen’s missiles
could hit any ships in the Gulf
of Aden or Bab Al-Mandeb. In this
regard, the Saudi attack on Yemen’s
strategic missile depots serves both
US and Israeli interests. The aim is
not only to prevent them from being
used to retaliate against exertions of
Saudi military force, but to also
prevent them from being available to a
Yemeni government aligned to
either Iran, Russia, or China.
In a
public position that totally contradicts Riyadh’s Syria policy, the
Saudis
threatened to take military action if the Houthis and their
political allies
did not negotiate with Al-Hadi. As a result of the
Saudi threats, protests
erupted across Yemen against the House of Saud
on March 25. Thus, the wheels
were set in motion for another Middle
Eastern war as the US, Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain, UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait
began to prepare to reinstall
Al-Hadi.
The Saudi March to War in Yemen and a New Front against
Iran
For all the talk about Saudi Arabia as a regional power, it is too
weak
to confront Iran alone. The House of Saud’s strategy has been to erect
or reinforce a regional alliance system for a drawn confrontation with
Iran and the Resistance Bloc. In this regard Saudi Arabia needs Egypt,
Turkey, and Pakistan —a misnamed so-called «Sunni» alliance or axis — to
help it confront Iran and its regional allies.
Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the crown prince
of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi
and deputy supreme commander of the UAE’s
military, would visit Morocco to
talk about a collective military
response to Yemen by the Arab
petro-sheikhdoms, Morocco, Jordan, and
Egypt on March 17. On March 21,
Mohammed bin Zayed met Saudi Arabia’s
King Salman Salman bin Abdulaziz
Al-Saud to discuss a military response
to Yemen. This was while Al-Hadi was
calling for Saudi Arabia and the
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to help him
by militarily intervening in
Yemen. The meetings were followed by talk about
a new regional security
pact for the Arab petro-sheikdoms.
Out of the
GCC’s five members, the Sultanate of Oman stayed away. Oman
refused to join
the war on Yemen. Muscat has friendly relations with
Tehran. Moreover, the
Omanis are weary of the Saudi and GCC project to
use sectarianism to ignite
confrontation with Iran and its allies. The
majority of Omanis are neither
Sunni Muslims nor Shiite Muslims; they
are Ibadi Muslims, and they fear the
fanning of sectarian sedition by
the House of Saud and the other Arab
petro-sheikdoms.
Saudi propagandists went into over drive falsely
claiming that the war
was a response to Iranian encroachment on the borders
of Saudi Arabia.
Turkey would announce its support for the war in Yemen. On
the day the
war was launched, Turkey’s Erdogan claimed that Iran was trying
to
dominate the region and that Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the GCC were
getting annoyed.
During these events, Egypt’s Sisi stated that the
security of Cairo and
the security of Saudi Arabia and the Arab
petro-sheikhdoms are one. In
fact, Egypt said that it would not get involved
in a war in Yemen on
March 25, but the next day Cairo joined Saudi Arabia in
Riyadh’s attack
on Yemen by sending its jets and ships to Yemen.
In
the same vein, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif released a
statement on
March 26 that any threat to Saudi Arabia would «evoke a
strong response»
from Pakistan. The message was tacitly directed towards
Iran.
The US
and Israeli Roles in the War in Yemen
On March 27, it was announced in
Yemen that Israel was helping Saudi
Arabia attack the Arab country. «This is
the first time that the
Zionists [Israelis] are conducting a joint operation
in collaborations
with Arabs,» Hassan Zayd, the head of Yemen’s Al-Haq
Party, wrote on the
internet to point out the convergence of interests
between Saudi Arabia
and Israel. The Israeli-Saudi alliance over Yemen,
however, is not new.
The Israelis helped the House of Saud during the North
Yemen Civil War
that started in 1962 by providing Saudi Arabia with weapons
to help the
royalists against the republicans in North Yemen.
The US
is also involved and leading from behind or a distance. While it
works to
strike a deal with Iran, it also wants to maintain an alliance
against
Tehran using the Saudis. The Pentagon would provide what it
called
«intelligence and logistical support» to House of Saud. Make no
mistakes
about it: the war on Yemen is also Washington’s war. The GCC
has been on
Yemen unleashed by the US.
There has long been talk about the formation
of a pan-Arab military
force, but proposals for creating it were renewed on
March 9 by the
rubberstamp Arab League. The proposals for a united Arab
military serve
US, Israeli, and Saudi interests. Talk about a pan-Arab
military has
been motivated by their preparations to attack Yemen to return
Al-Hadi
and to regionally confront Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, and the
Resistance
(3) Yemen: Houthis ally with former president Saleh, who was
ousted in
"Arab Spring"; Saudis installed Hadi
http://uk.reuters.com/article/2015/04/03/uk-yemen-security-idUKKBN0MP0LZ20150403
Fri
Apr 3, 2015 1:41am BST
Related: YEMEN
Yemen's Houthis seize
central Aden district, presidential site
ADEN | BY MOHAMMED
MUKHASHAF
(Reuters) - Yemeni Houthi fighters and their allies seized a
central
Aden district on Thursday, striking a heavy blow against the
Saudi-led
coalition that has waged a week of air strikes to try to stem
advances
by the Iran-allied Shi'ite group.
Hours after the Houthis
took over Aden's central Crater neighbourhood,
they marked another symbolic
victory by fighting their way into a
presidential residence overlooking the
neighbourhood, residents said.
The southern city has been the last major
holdout of fighters loyal to
Saudi-backed President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi,
who fled Aden a week ago
and has watched from Riyadh as the vestiges of his
authority have crumbled.
By nightfall the Iran-allied Shi'ite fighters
had reached the edge of
Aden's port district of Mualla, they
said.
The Houthis and their supporters swept into the heart of Aden
despite an
eight-day air campaign led by Riyadh trying to stem their
advances and
ultimately return Hadi to power. [...]
The Houthis, who
took over the capital Sanaa six months ago in alliance
with supporters of
former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, turned on Aden
last month.
A
diplomat in Riyadh said the city had come to symbolise Hadi's fading
authority, meaning that Saudi Arabia could not afford to allow it to
fall completely under Houthi control. But he said Riyadh's air campaign
was so far geared more towards a slow war of attrition than an effective
defence. [...]
Huge street demonstrations in 2011 linked to wider
Arab uprisings forced
veteran leader Saleh to step down, but he has
re-emerged as an
influential force by allying himself with the Houthis, his
former enemies.
The Houthis are drawn from a Zaidi Shi'ite minority that
ruled a
thousand-year kingdom in northern Yemen until 1962. Saleh himself is
a
member of the sect but fought to crush the Houthis as president.
[...]
(4) Saleh branded "Yemen's Wily Puppet Master"
http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/03/yemens-wily-puppet-master/388973/
Yemen's
Wily Puppet Master
Ali Abdullah Saleh, ousted in the Arab Spring
protests, has re-emerged
as the country's most influential man.
Matt
Schiavenza Mar 29 2015, 5:17 PM ET
The violent conflict engulfing Yemen,
the Arab world's poorest country,
intensified on Saturday, as Houthi rebels
fought government forces for
control of Aden, a crucial port city.
Meanwhile, air strikes launched by
a Saudi Arabia-led coalition attacked
Houthi positions in an attempt to
repel the group that now controls most of
Yemen. According to the
national Health Ministry, the air attack killed 35
and wounded 88.
Since the Houthis overthrew president Abu Rabbu Mansour
Hadi in
February, Yemen has become a front in an emerging proxy war between
Saudi Arabia, the Middle East's strongest Sunni power, and Shia-majority
Iran. Tehran has provided ample financial and logistical support to the
Houthis, a Shia group whose meteoric rise compelled Riyadh--and nine
other nations--to intervene. But the Yemeni conflict has also revealed
the power of a source far closer to home: ex-president Ali Abdullah
Saleh.
Now 73, Saleh ruled Yemen for three decades until an "Arab Spring"
uprising drove him from power in 2011. But unlike his counterparts in
Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya--who ended up exiled, imprisoned, and
murdered, respectively--Saleh managed to step down in exchange for
immunity. That he extracted such a deal was, given his history,
unsurprising. During his tenure as Yemen's president--a job he famously
likened to "dancing on the heads of snakes"--Saleh was an acknowledged
master manipulator: a Middle East Frank Underwood. Saleh allowed the
U.S. military to launch drone strikes against al-Qaeda positions while,
at the same time, ceding control of an entire province to the terrorist
organization. During his presidency, Saleh waged an anti-insurgent
campaign against the Houthis. But since his ouster, he has emerged as
their great champion, and forces loyal to the ex-president have assisted
the Houthis in their sweep across the country. Abandoning his low
profile, Saleh delivered a speech on Saturday, urging a truce and
disparaging the Saudi-led air strikes.
"I appeal to you and your
conscience to protect your children and women
in Yemen against these
barbaric and unjustified strikes," he said.
Saleh has promised Yemenis
that he would not again be president, and has
called for elections to select
a new leader. But his behind-the-scene
power grab, aided by a marriage of
convenience with the Houthi, leaves
little doubt that he will retain de
facto control as long as he can.
Four years after the Arab Spring protests
inspired hope of a better
future for Yemen, Saleh's return to prominence
leaves little doubt that,
elections or not, he has truly won.
(5)
Former Yemeni President Saleh: The Arab Spring was a Zionist-Western
Conspiracy
http://www.memritv.org/clip_transcript/en/4643.htm
November
24, 2014
Clip No. 4643
Former Yemeni President Ali Abdallah Saleh:
The Arab Spring Was a
Zionist-Western Conspiracy
In a TV interview,
former Yemeni president Ali Abdallah Saleh said that
the Arab Spring - which
he called the "Zionist Spring - was a
Zionist-Western conspiracy to "bring
down the pan-Arab enterprise."
Following are excerpts from the interview,
which was broadcast by the
Egyptian CBC network on November 24,
2014.
Interviewer: You mentioned the "so-called" Arab Spring.
Ali
Abdallah Saleh: It was a Zionist Spring.
Interviewer: Please explain why
you call it the Zionist Spring.
Ali Abdallah Saleh: Since there was no
democracy in some Arab countries,
young people expected this "Arab Spring"
to improve things, in culture,
economy, security, and politics. But instead,
it brought about a
sweeping anarchy as you can see in Libya, Tunisia, Yemen,
and Syria, as
well as in Egypt. This led the youth and the people who sought
improvement to despair. I was one of the rulers, but I hoped that they
would give rise to someone who would function better than me and my
government.
Interviewer: Would such a thing have made you
happy?
Ali Abdallah Saleh: Completely happy. But it brought nothing but
anarchy, the disintegration of nations, the destruction of the
infrastructure and the economy, and the deterioration of the army and
security services. The Muslim Brotherhood entered the units of the army
and security services, with no training, qualifications, or
organization. Anarchy! That is why I called it the "Zionist
Spring."
Interviewer: Do you think it was a Zionist-Western
conspiracy?
Ali Abdallah Saleh: Absolutely. They wanted to bring down the
pan-Arab
enterprise, which existed since the days of the late Abd Al-Nasser.
[...]
(6) US backs Saudi airstrikes against Houthis in Yemen
http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2015/03/26/yeme-m26.html
By
Niles Williamson
26 March 2015
The Saudi ambassador to the United
States, Adair Al Jubeir, announced
Wednesday night from Washington, D.C.
that his country, in coordination
with the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait,
Bahrain and Qatar, had begun
airstrikes on Houthi rebel positions inside
Yemen. He said that Saudi
Arabia and others in the coalition were prepared
"to protect and defend
the legitimate government" of President Adb Rabbu
Mansur Hadi.
Jubeir declared that Saudi Arabia would do "whatever it
takes" to keep
Hadi in power.
The Saudi strikes are backed by the
Obama administration, which released
a statement stating that the US was
providing "logistical and
intelligence support." A ground offensive
involving 150,000 Saudi troops
is also reportedly being
prepared.
Airstrikes were reported at the Sanaa airport and at the Al
Dulaimi
military base. Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of the Houthi's
Ansarullah
politburo, warned that the airstrikes would set off a "wide war"
in the
Arabian Peninsula. "The Yemeni people are a free people and they will
confront the aggressors. I will remind you that the Saudi government and
the Gulf governments will regret this aggression," Bukhaiti told Al
Jazeera news.
According to US officials, Saudi Arabia has also
positioned heavy
artillery and other military equipment on its border with
Yemen. At a
weekend meeting of Gulf state princes and defense ministers,
Saudi
officials had presented their plans for air strikes against Houthi
targets and a naval blockade of Houthi supply routes. Saudi Arabia's
foreign minister, Prince Saud Al Faisal, told reporters earlier this
week that his country was prepared to "take the necessary measures for
this crisis to protect the region."
With the latest developments
Yemen's escalating civil war has openly
taken on the character of a regional
conflict, involving both Saudi
Arabia and Iran. Saudi Arabia's Sunni
monarchy is now openly backing
Hadi as the legitimate leader of the country,
while Shiite-dominated
Iran has called for him to cede power, giving its
support to the
Houthis, who belong to the Zaydi Shiite sect of
Islam.
In recent years, Saudi Arabia, which receives military support
from the
United States, has undertaken military incursions to suppress
popular
Shiite uprisings in neighboring countries. In late 2009, the Saudi
military launched operations against the Houthi militias inside Yemen in
coordination with the government of former president and longtime
dictator Ali Abdullah Saleh. The Saudi monarchy also dispatched troops
to Bahrain in March 2011 to suppress protests by that country's Shiite
majority against the dictatorship of Sunni King Hamad bin Isa bin Salman
Al Khalifa.
A letter sent by Hadi to the United Nations Security
Council on Tuesday
asked for the adoption of a resolution supporting "all
means necessary,
including military intervention, to protect Yemen and its
people from
the continuing Houthi aggression".
The beleaguered Hadi
reportedly left Yemen on Wednesday as Houthi rebel
fighters backed by army
units loyal to former president Saleh seized the
Al Anad airbase in Lahj
province as well as Aden's international airport
and central bank
headquarters.
According to the Wall Street Journal, Hadi fled Aden on a
boat with the
assistance of a retinue of Saudi Arabian diplomatic officials
to escape
the impending Houthi assault. Reports of Hadi's departure were
denied by
Yemen's chief of national security, Major General Ali Al Ahmadi,
who
told Reuters, "He's here, he's here, he's here. I am now with him in the
palace. He is in Aden."
Until their evacuation last weekend, US and
European special forces
soldiers had used the Al Anad airbase to coordinate
military operations
and drone missile strikes against members of Al Qaeda in
the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) in southern and eastern Yemen.
The
Houthis seized the base as they pushed south towards the port city
of Aden,
where Hadi had fled after escaping house arrest in Sanaa in
February. The
president had been forced to announce his resignation and
dissolution of the
government after the Houthis seized control of the
presidential palace in
January.
The Houthi rebels, who took control of the capital of Sanaa in
September
2014, began their advance south last week after fighting broke out
in
Aden between forces loyal to Saleh and Hadi over control of the
international airport.
Wednesday's advance put the Houthis within
striking distance of the
compound where Hadi has been marshaling military
forces still loyal to
him in an attempt to reassert control over the
country. Fighter jets
manned by Yemeni air force pilots supporting Saleh
have been strafing
the compound for the last few days.
The loss of Al
Anad air base amid the complete collapse of the US puppet
regime headed by
Hadi is the latest debacle for American imperialist
foreign policy following
in the wake of Iraq, Syria, and Libya. The
disastrous intervention of
American imperialism in Yemen has stoked
long-simmering sectarian tensions
to the point of explosion, completely
destabilizing the deeply impoverished
Arab country.
Al Anad was one of the key sites used by the US military
and CIA to
launch drone strikes inside Yemen. According to estimates by the
Bureau
of Investigative Journalism, the drone war, which began under the
direction of US president Barack Obama in 2009 with the assent of
then-president Saleh, has killed more than 1,000 people. The massively
unpopular drone strikes were also supported by Hadi, who came to power
in 2012, after Saleh was ousted by mass protests.
After the Houthi
rebels seized control of Sanaa in January, the Pentagon
worked to establish
relations with them in order to continue drone
strike operations against
alleged Al Qaeda militants. The last reported
strike came on March 1 in
Bayda province, killing as many as three
people. It was in an area where
Houthi militants had been fighting
members of AQAP.
Underscoring the
debacle in Yemen, the Pentagon admits that it has lost
track of more than
$500 million worth of weapons and equipment amid the
ongoing fighting. US
military officials testified in recent closed-door
congressional hearings
that they have no idea whether the equipment has
fallen into the hands of
either Houthi fighters or Al Qaeda militants.
"We have to assume it's
completely compromised and gone," a legislative
aide told the Washington
Post.
Among the US equipment provided to the Yemeni government since 2007
that
has now been lost are 200 M-4 rifles, 1.25 million rounds of
ammunition,
160 Humvees, and 4 Huey II helicopters. An additional unknown
amount of
weapons and equipment provided by the CIA and Pentagon through
classified programs has also been lost.
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